 Kashmir: Is spirit for uniting territories of India and Pakistan towards single state? The Jammu and Kashmir, as one of the Indian states has a different story to reveal from the comparative study of the conditions of minority-majority basis of the two different religious people in Kashmir and in remained parts of India. This kind development would never be allowed to see the same developments in the in the whole of India as a basic principle of the minority-majority. If the development and progress what the total Indian states have achieved want to see there in Kashmir as a basic principle of the development, it lead us into confusion. Kashmir state is the Muslim majority state with the percentage of 67. Therefore, it is common and unavoidable fact to understand that the rulers of the majority Muslim people in Kashmir state have neglected the minority Hindus. The Indian Muslims the largest minority group living together among the Hindus with its percentage of 13.4 in total population, feeling that they neglected a lot by the majority Hindu rulers. In these two formulations, the figures show that the Muslims neglected largely on different ground they are either in majority or in minority. The growth rate did not defeat the inflation rate under any government since last twenty years. The common problems of the country are applicable to all people either they are in minority or in majority. In any state in the world, whoever lives in minority should have to face additional problems and should share the common problems with the majority people. Every state has the history of these kinds of general and additional problems due to minority-majority differences. United States has enough history of the racial discriminations against each other. Once largely neglected and having many accusations against blacks by the white people, Nelson Mandela, Barrack Obama or Mubarak Hussein Obama, emerged to rule the global white and it is a reward of the struggles of the neglected and accused by the racial whites in the history of the struggles in the world. Once those had the racial ideas, once those have made the laws for their own people, once those committed massive atrocities, have reduced to a level to accept that the humans are equally born but unequally grown and irregularly enjoyed the wealth, but dies equally with the exploited and suppressed as the history teaches the lesson to those arrogant who never believe in these facts. What the presidents of United States either did, the present president do as a president to the level of expectations of his people or not, is not a question, but it is the greatest achievement for those people who made him their president. A slave-turn-warrior king in the Indian history, malik kafur who rose to the level of the gaining the kingdom, from Delhi, to south Indian states, was once a slave and challenged many people in his lifetime. The case of Kashmir and India against the Pakistan and Bangladesh, in which the center point is Muslim in common, because we call Kashmir Muslim, Pakistani Muslim, Bangladeshi Muslim, by setting a side the name of his nationality in these days. In Indian side, we call him with the very same identity with his region, like Delhi-Muslim, Mumbai-Muslim, Tamil-Muslim, Bengali-Muslim, Gujarat-Muslim, and Hyderabad-Muslim, but in totality, he will become Indian Muslim while discussing with other national Muslim on any issue. The article 370 of the Indian constitution was pre-condition of the raja hari Singh to the Indian government in lieu of the accession of the Kashmir to the government of India that has known in later times while drafting the nature of the governments in India. The house of Jammu Kashmir state also equally authorized to make laws regarding its subjects and the president of India would consider the resolutions for his assent sympathetically whenever forwarded to him. Either now it is the internal matter of India to scrap this article or implement with true spirit is not a point in issue of Kashmir because the Kashmir issue itself has become an issue since last sixty-two years between the two nations which had waged three wars, and many low intensity wars in attempt of gaining some military posts unofficially or officially on the part of Pakistan against Indian territories. In one case, the minority-majority treatment in sharing the power goes in the same ratio of minority-and majority in the total India. This principle is not applicable to the Kashmir state where in the minorities got higher opportunities than their majority Muslims. Have a look on the details about it. The total number of employees in the state of Jammu and Kashmir is 3, 52, 000. Department wise data of Hindus is 4.61% out of the total population, which is 30 lakhs only whereas the Muslims have 2.85 percent of representation in the total number of employees. In the state quota of Indian administrative service, are 94 in which 24 belonged to Kashmir division, 27 to Jammu division, and 2 to ladakh division. Remained 41 officers were from out of the Kashmir state. The only six Muslims out of 26 have resumed the top administrative post in the state bureaucracy after the post of chief minister, chief secretary, since 1947, and the non-Muslims in the Muslim dominated Kashmir state. The next important cadre is Kashmir administrative service that has 338, in which 155 for Kashmir division, 141 for Jammu division, and 22 for ladakh division. The data of the state administrative service if calculated from the 2001 to 2005, it is quite opposite to the nature laws, because 478 (k.a.s) appointments have done, in which 106 given to kashmiries, 12 to ladakh, and remained 360 given to Jammu-Hindus. In this state, Kashmir administrative service cadre dominated by the 372 Hindus out of 478. Who really need the militancy, and whose interests are making the Kashmir Muslim militants easily understood to any common person. Few hundreds of Kashmir pundits, upon whom thousands of crores spent but no one has come back to home are an indication of the comfort what they secured on the name of Kashmir militancy. So how does anybody work at their homes by loosing such handsome compensations, which are hundred times more than to any other normal victims in India? The literacy rate of Muslims in Kashmir state is 47.3% while living in the Muslim majority state; the Hindus have 71.2%. The Muslim literacy rate if we see in India level, it is just 59.1% only and the Hindu literacy rate is 65.1% only. The highest Muslim literacy rates are in kerala (89.4%) Tamil nadu (82.9%), Maharashtra (78.1%), Karnataka (70.1%), and Andhra Pradesh (68%) as these Indian states did not have any Muslim chief ministers except A.R.Anthuley in Maharashtra for a short period in the history of the Indian state chief minister ships. Very surprising factor is in Gujarat where the Muslim literacy rate is73.5percent, which is higher than the Hindus of 68.3 are. Perhaps after loosing their assets and properties, they want to secure knowledge by sending their children to schools by the parents. Gujarat state has been projecting to the world as a model state for investment and growth in comparison with the development in the other Indian states by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its Sangh pariwar in India and its chief minister has gained notoriority by killing more than 3000 Muslims in the post godhra riots. Indian Muslims have experienced the worst kind of massacres in the history of independent India. Not all these percentages are below the rate of Kashmir state, which ruled by all Muslim chief ministers of the Kashmir state.
Two hundred and nine Kashmir pundits killed since 1989 in the hands of the militants in the Kashmir state as per the report submitted in May 2010 by the Jammu and Kashmir police Total 24, 202 families out of 38,119 migrated out of the valley due to militancy since 1989. Total 1, 42, 042 Kashmiri migrants out of 38,119 families whose details are available with the department of revenue and relief, as these figures were reported to the press by the Mr. Raman bhalla, revenue minister, Jammu and Kashmir State, while addressing press conference at Srinagar. Rs.100000.000 each has paid each on the death to their families and new flats, compensation for the loss of properties, damages total Rs 70 crores spent out as a special package to call back the pundits to their homes. Total three thousand supernumery posts were created for these pundits besides the sanction of rs.1, 618.40 crore are sanctioned for the Kashmir pundits. On all these presentations to the Kashmir pundits, no one has come back to their homes as report said. Now3, 445 people, out of 808 families are still living in the valley. (The Hindu dated 24th march 2010).
Kashmir’s first police report submitted in May, 2010, As per one of the non-official reports of the Kashmir pundit’s organization account, the number of deaths of the pundits did not exceed 2500 in the hands of Kashmir militants since its rise in the valley.
The Kashmir issue is not new to the Indian politics to play the key role there on the name of the territory for the government of India irrespective of political parties since the day of accession to the Indian government by the raja through the document of accession, which is in dispute by the Pakistan. The government of India has not clarified about the existence of such document until now to the other party and to the people of India as well as to the body of United Nations that it had the original document in its support in claiming the Kashmir territory.
The accession document, which addressed by the Hari Singh, Maharajadhiraj of Jammu and Kashmir State, to the lord Mountbatten on 26 October 1947 and it, is very important document in assessing the rationality of the two claims. And on very next day, dated this twenty seventh day of October, nineteen hundred and forty seven, the lord Mountbatten of Burma, Governor General of India, accepted “this Instrument of Accession “letter through which Kashmir was made as a part of India. The process of annexation of Kashmir to India, between the two heads of the states is become known to the world since that day.
The will of Hari Singh was to handover his state to the governor general of India on the need of handling armed tribes arrived from Pakistani territories in support of the Kashmiri people whose ambition was to be remained with Pakistan only as the partisan of the India and Pakistan based on the religion only. The single action defeated the strong will of the people and individual will of hari Singh, Maharajadhiraj of Jammu and Kashmir State. The” instrument” of accession executed only after seventy or seventy one days of the independence of two nations, India and Pakistan. When the document was executed by the raja in favor of Lord Mountbatten by handing over the Kashmir the document could be kept in the records and the very same had to be handed over to the prime minister of India immediately.
The government of India had to secure such document from the lord Mountbatten while handing over all such important documents of the government of India after the completion of the process of exchange of powers from him to the government of India. The instrument was very important for the purpose of records. Whether such document is available with the government of India or the governor general of India, Lord Mountbatten at that time, had not handed it over to the government of India. The relation between the document and the territorial occupations of Indian Kashmir and Pakistan occupied Kashmir by the government of and Pakistan could not make any affect to their positions because the losers were and are the kashmiries only since that period to the present day. For a point of justification of Pakistani or Indian claims, the Indian government should allow the world bodies as well as its people to check it for its validity, in favor of any side. For the extension of the support to India or Pakistan, the people of both states have every right to see the document for public view, as it is very much needful to defeat the counter claim over it, if India had the original copy in its custody in the interest of the people of two states
In the absence of such document of accession of Kashmir, the Kashmir area would continue under the same disputed area and the same is continuing in the list of United Nations.
It says that “Jammu & Kashmir was a former princely state in the British Empire in India, from 1846 until 1947, after which India then gained independence, and was partitioned into the Dominion of Pakistan (mostly Muslim), and the Union of India (mostly Hindu). Each Indian state given a choice to join either India or Pakistan, and when the ruler of Kashmir & Jammu decided to remain independent, a war broke out between India and Pakistan, dividing the population of Jammu & Kashmir between the two sides. The Indian government then said it had made a formal agreement with Hari Singh, the Maharajah of Jammu & Kashmir, called The Instrument of Accession, which handed over the entire lands of Jammu & Kashmir to Indian control. Pakistan disputed this, due to the population being mostly Muslim, and to this day, Pakistan denies such a document exists. After some horrendous wars in the area, Jammu & Kashmir is now split into Indian Territory (the northern state of Jammu & Kashmir, which is actually just a large slice of Kashmir), Pakistani territory (the Northern Areas) and Chinese territory (Aksai Chin). India claims sovereignty over all of these areas, as does Pakistan, whilst China only holds claim over Aksai Chin, albeit with a small slice of current Indian land which it claims is part of its Tibet Autonomous Region.” ]]>
Hari Singh wished to keep the Kashmir as independent state without merging into India under the pressure of either India or under a threat of occupation of the Pakistani militant tribes as per the popular presumption of having the Muslim dominated areas of the Kashmir as per the Indian independence act 1947. However, the two countries were very enthusiastic to own the territory against the norms of the partition set out by laws of the period. The partisan policy was to divide the two nations based on the religions.
The majority areas of the Muslims had given to Pakistan and the Hindu areas had given to India. Accordingly, the population of Jammu & Kashmir had 77% (as per the 1941 census) of Muslim population and it had to give to Pakistan. However, it was not given to it due to the dubious or real will of the hari Singh whose document was and at present makes value in assessing the developments of that time for having to identify who is entitled for the Kashmir state. Ever changing minds and needs of the rulers of both states do not represent the distant past to judge the real factors behind keeping the Kashmir pot boiling for the benefit of the ruling parties of the two states on different claims and reasons against each other since the alleged claim of the execution of accession document.
Until now, the two reasons clarified in the Kashmir issue by the government of India to the body of United Nations as well as to its people for the legal claim over the territory of the Kashmir. There was a long list of 560 independent and princely states in India before unifying all these as India as a nation. The concept of the nation as India, Indian and Indian territorial identity was only a result after the independence, in which many Muslim states were existed in all most all parts of India, beside the famous independent state of Hyderabad and junagarh in India. Few of them are here for understanding about the central point of the India and Pakistan’s formation because of the religion. Hyderabad state had vast areas from the Karnataka, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh under the reign of asif jah-7. Janjira of Maharashtra, under the rule of H.H. Nawab Sidi Mohammed khan-2 was independent. Sawanur, from Karnataka, under the power of Abdul majid khan-2 also has the same identity in the list Indian states. Rampur, of Utter Pradesh, under the reign of H.H. Nawab Syed Mohammed Kazim Ali khan Bahadur, also had the same status. Banaganapally from Andhra Pradesh, under the command of H.H. Nawab Syed Fazl Ali khan-4, had its own identity. Loharu, from Haryana under the reign of nawab Mirza Aladdin Ahmad khan, and Tonk from Rajasthan, under the leadership of Nawab Mohammed faruq ali khan, vadasinor, in Kheda district, from Gujarat, under the reign of Yousufzai Pathan, Junagadh, from Gujarat, under the name of Muhabat Khanji-3 and many more to name here in the name of independent states. These Muslim princely and independent states were continued in the Indian state like other kings of such princely states from Hindu religion in the Pakistani state also existed in both side at the time of independence of these two states on 14/15th August 1947. The reason of the partisan of India and Pakistan as two states was the direct result of the freedom struggle against the British by keeping their interests and identities for the Muslim and Hindus in presence of British to arrive at conclusions in a compromise with each other on the formula of the two nation’s theory against one nation formula. The arguments in support of Pakistani origin and in against the formation of the Pakistan makes no use for the understanding the past happenings. However, the question of the accession document is the basic key document to produce before the body of United Nations, as well as the global people for the correct claim over the Kashmir by the government of India in the choice of time only. However, it would never escape from its submission if it had really executed by the hari Singh the king of the Kashmir state. Gandhi mahatma was well aware the fact that the raja hari Singh was not interested to keep the Kashmir state as independent from both India and Pakistan and got the clearance through the agreement and he failed to get the same from India. This fact can trace through the writings of Campbell Johnson who noted, “Both Nehru and Gandhi have been very anxious that the maharaja of Kashmir should make no declaration of independence”. On series of developments in all the political circles, Joseph Korbel, Danger in Kashmir (p. 60) observed, “Lord Mountbatten, the Viceroy of India, did not approve of Nehru’s visit and offered to visit himself. He visited Kashmir on 18 June 1947, and stayed there for four days. Lord Mountbatten was unable to have a proper discussion with the Maharaja, as the Maharaja did not wish to influence and advised about the fate of his land and people. It is strange that the Dogra King, whose reign was one of the cruelest, did not accede to India immediately, based on his religion, but tried to stay independent. Was this an attempt to give back something good to his people? Or were his intentions purely selfish?” Raja hari Singh was not interested in accession his Kashmir to India as it was already indicated his wishes to keep his state independent in the interest of his own people of Kashmir. But the invading forces and the cruel intentions of the two sides were identified by the raja hari Singh, and whose actions were pushed him to surrender his forces to the government of India was the internal matter to understand and could not come out the secrets of that time. But the incidents in later times indicated that the threat of invasion of the Indian and Pakistani forces made hari sigh to do something for his security and peace purposes in his state. Either two side forces or whose first act made him to keep silence over the leading role in accession of his territory or why he maintained silence with inability, the reasons behind such happening could be established only after going through the next developments of the arrival of the forces in Srinagar airport. Hari Singh, the Maharaja of Kashmir, loathed the Indian National Congress and wanted to stay independent of both India and Pakistan. He asked for a standstill agreement from India and Pakistan to be able to pursue his goal of an independent Kashmir. Pakistan signed the standstill agreement but India did not, giving an indication of India’s intentions on Kashmir. On the other hand, lord Mountbatten who visited Kashmir with a view to have a clear understanding with the Raja Hari Singh on the future of the Kashmir. However, maharaja was not clear to inform his views to these Indian side leaders and did not like to speak openly confirms the conditions of that time through the fact that “Lord Mountbatten visited Srinagar for four days from 19th June, 1947. As per Mountbatten, he found Maharaja elusive and had to return without discussing with him. It was in early August 1947 that Mahatma Gandhi also visited Kashmir. Gandhi too carried the views of Nehru as regards special treatment to Sheikh Abdullah and J and K”. State times, (6 November 2010). Raja hari Singh was apparently reluctant to share the views with the Congress leaders as well as leader of National Conference, Sheikh Abdullah at that time. Sheik Abdullah made him busy in making a movement “quit Kashmir” at that time. sheikh Abdullah, Jahwarlal Nehru, mahatma Gandhi, and vallabh Patel, and lord Mountbatten were as a group trying to influence to mind of the maharaja hari Singh, and on the other hand, the Pakistani leaders and Mohammed ali jinnah was on the other side. The relation of Jinnah and Sheikh Abdullah was not good as the Maharaja and Sheikh Abdullah had on the Kashmir at that time. Mistrust was the main reason among all the leaders of four blocks in this Kashmir issue within the period of a 2-3months after the dates of independence to India and Pakistan with a difference of a day from each other. Pakistan has returned the standstill agreement to raja hari Singh for the supply of the daily needs within no time. At the same time, India has tried to Daley of making the very same agreement that created the suspicious conditions between these three power centers in keeping the Kashmir region as independent. Pakistani leaders after returning the instrument to raja hari Singh, doubted the act of raja for fulfilling the terms of the agreement what they have made for each other, and sent its forces to Kashmir along with some militant tribes in the form of invasion. On arrival of the forces from the Pakistani side, raja hari sigh understood that the Pakistan had in violation of the agreement made to him for the territorial greed in the form of intrusion. On such situation, the Indian leaders were caught the point of insecurity feeling of hari Singh and fearful conditions of attack from the Pakistani side, on hari Singh, kept silence without any formal assurance of help to hari Singh. In addition, raja hari Singh was well aware about the policy of waiting without extension of support to him in defending the territories of the Kashmir from the attacking Pakistani forces, until the surrender of the raja for the help from Indian side. The trap already lay down and the hunt fallen down into the trap of Indian side. After no time the Indian army arrived in the assistance of the raja hari Singh. Still the stories are the written document of accession but it is difficult to trace the original document of such date with signatures of the two heads are not traced out. Moreover, do not give any guarantee of existence of such documents of the historical facts, not known to anybody except the governments of India and Pakistan that do not have any interest in it to prove their credible claim in the history of Kashmiri people and the other global bodies including the people of India. Pakistani government could not escape from its historical blunder, which has no role to find a fault due to the mistrust between the Pakistani leaders and the raja hari Singh on the religious basis, which was the sole criterion of the partisan at that time. On the very same basis, the religion had played the impotent role in making hari Singh who, in the view of Indian side, could not access his territory to Pakistan and reluctantly raja surrendered his Kashmir against his will of keeping the region as independent state. Indian policy of watching and waiting proved successful and invasive policy of Pakistan against Kashmir in the interest of the majority of the people proved failed one in the history of its attempts in owning the Kashmir. So the wishes of the people of Kashmir was proved failed before the plays of the two states which made the Kashmir only the land without people like a political realtors engaged in the territorial business of the real estate. The basic conditions and wishes of raja hari Singh could see that from the availed document that is widely in circulation without its original copy proof and its available custody; some idea would form through few lines that continue as “my State has a common boundary with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and with China. In their external relations, the Dominion of India and Pakistan cannot ignore this fact. I wanted to take time to decide to which Dominion I should accede or whether it is not in the best interests of both the Dominions and of my State to stand independent, of course with friendly and cordial relations with both. I accordingly approached the Dominions of India and Pakistan to enter into standstill agreement with my State. The Pakistan Government accepted this arrangement. The Dominion of India desired further discussion with representatives of my Government. I could not arrange this in view of the developments indicated below. In fact the Pakistan Government under the standstill agreement is operating the post and telegraph system inside the State. Though we have got a standstill agreement with the Pakistan Government, the Government permitted a steady and increasing strangulation of supplies like food, salt and petrol to my State.” The document further continued about the Pakistani efforts into his territory in violation of the agreement what he had made with the government of Pakistan. It continued, “Afridis, soldiers in plain clothes, and desperadoes with modern weapons have been allowed to infiltrate into the State, at first in the Poonch area, then from Sialkot and finally in a mass in the area adjoining-Hazara district on the Ramkote side. The result has been that the limited number of troops at the disposal of the State had to be dispersed and thus had to face the enemy at several points simultaneously, so that it has become difficult to stop the wanton destruction of life ad property and the looting of the Mahura power house, which supplies electric current to the whole of Srinagar and which has been burnt. The number of women who have been kidnapped and raped makes my heart bleed. The wild forces thus let loose on the State are marching on with the aim of capturing Srinagar, the summer capital of my government, as a first step to overrunning the whole State. The mass infiltration of tribesman drawn from distant areas of the North-West Frontier Province, coming regularly in motor trucks, using the Manwehra-Mazaffarabad road and fully armed with up-to-date weapons, cannot possibly be done without the knowledge of the Provincial Government of the North-West Frontier Province and the Government of Pakistan. In spite of repeated appeals made by my Government, no attempt has been made to check these raiders or to stop them from coming into my State. In fact, both radio and the Press of Pakistan have reported these occurrences”. The United Nation’s body made number of resolutions for the settlement of the Kashmir dispute, directing these two parties to follow the proposals of it. However, they are firm on their own claims against each other. The United Nation’s mediator, Oven Dixon, says that” I was prepared to adopt the view that when the frontier of the State of J&K was crossed, on I believe 20 October 1947, by hostile elements, it was contrary to international law, and that when, in May 1948 as I believe, units of the regular Pakistan forces moved into the territory of the state that too was inconsistent with international law. On 22nd, October 1947 just four days before the act of accession of Kashmir by hari Singh to take place, the war broke out between India and Pakistan and ended up in the month of December 1948. The result of the war could be seen “in all, 1,500 soldiers died on each side during the war and Pakistan was able to acquire roughly two-fifths of Kashmir which it established as Azad Kashmir, meaning free Kashmir”.(source: global security organization). The Kashmir king hari Singh who had managed to flee away from his house in Srinagar. The war of Pakistan for the Kashmir had made to secure the territory of azad Kashmir and religious unity (and opposition to the Pakistani religion) between the hari Singh and Indian state proved beneficial for the present Jammu and Kashmir region. The two states were followed the formula of the cease-fire through the intervention of the united nations with its resolutions in the Security Council. The United Nations had passed a resolution for the implementation of the both states in resolving the Kashmir problem, on 13th august 1948, from which the third part reproduced here. ”The Government of India and the Government of Pakistan reaffirm their wish that the future status of the State of Jammu and Kashmir shall be determined in accordance with the will of the people and to that end, upon acceptance of the truce agreement, both Governments agree to enter into consultations with the Commission to determine fair and equitable conditions whereby such free expression will be assured” (source: united nations). The conclusive part of the proposal binds the two parties to equally follow for the status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir which shall be determined in accordance of the will of the people” No state can escape from this obligation for the solution of the Kashmir state that has been occupied by the Indian and Pakistan states since the date of the cease-fire came into existence. At the same, time the status of the state of Jammu Kashmir, if any party wants to address the status of the state of the Kashmir the two parties’ consent and mutual acceptance needed. No party would be able to conduct plebiscite in the two parts of the Kashmir in anyway. Hence, the problem is still in the hands of the two states and single state’s action in this regard makes no impact on the other part of the Kashmir. The issue remains in the hands of the two states, which find the needs to strengthen their ties in other fields, as they have followed according to its needs. The scope between the two states widened from time to time since the period of cease-fire by leaving the political role open to play on behalf of the governments through talks for the welfare of the people in the direction of the speedy implementation of their tasks towards solution of the Kashmir problem. However, these two states have depended on the secret services of the defense forces against each other as the people of both sides claiming since long back. The ISI marked operations on the Indian soils created completely Indian people to feel that the Pakistan engages the young and unemployed Muslims to engage in the war against the Indian defense establishments indirectly to achieve the task of Kashmir, in all these years. At the same time, the Indian secret service, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) had been engaged in the destabilization of the Pakistani state and its integrity as that state claimed many times in media and in newspapers globally. The blame game of the two states had gained as an additional functionality of the state beyond the sincerity, in indulging violent activities on each other’s territories. The role of the other parts of the people of India and Pakistan do not have any kind of relationship with the people of remained parts of India and Pakistan because the Indian Kashmir and Pakistan’s (azad) Kashmir. If the issue of Kashmir analyzed, it is to see only through the sharp sight from the contradictions of the two different religious nations under a feeling to suppress each by colluding with global players since the days of two powerful global blocks of United States of America and united socialist Soviet Union. The history of the two states have shared from one common origin and heritage of Indian subcontinent, diverted into two different religious line of action since the days of independent struggle. The origin for the separate leadership from the common leadership interests was when found diluted, the Muslim leadership reduced into a low level feelings of their isolation in protecting the interests of the Indian Muslims along with common Indians of Hindu religion and made them to float the Indian Muslim league as an alternative to the Indian national congress. The historical claims over the issues of success and failures in keeping to the two religious people united have different stories from each side by the polarized interests in recent years in India to analyze the developments within the closed circles of each group along the lines of the national freedom struggle. The non-starter, proposed plan cabinet mission plan, dated 16th may, 1946, forwarded by the Muslim leaders in order to protect the interests of the Muslims as well as keeping the unity between the Hindu Muslim in the freedom movement, the result in these days could be different from the present results after the partisan in the case of Kashmir issue. The discussions on the future of the Hindus and Muslims are available in the cabinet mission plan documents which says really about who were really wanted for the best as their option to protect the interest of Hindus and who were demanded the separation of state directly from the states of existing with minority and majority equations for the administrative feasibility after the lapse of the British period, would be analyzed. The main arguments for power balance through bargaining by the congress and Muslims league leaders was continued in presence of the British authorities during the period of the cabinet mission plans. M.A Jinnah, represented for the Muslims of all provinces and Gandhi mahatma, pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Patel, and Moulana Azad, stood for the Hindus and two groups were participated with different of alternative plans on the presentation of demands from each other till they reach to the point on unanimity of the demands in the presence of British authorities. The blame on any point in the history never is justified unless it is properly presented with sufficient documents and the historical facts while accusing the Muslim leaders of the independent struggle. In essence, Mohammed Ali Jinnah and other Muslim leaders honored with great respect by the Hindu leaders including Gandhi mahatma, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Patel during the freedom struggle and discussions on the administrative matters of Indian states. To be continued on part-2 Ayub Mohammed
I am ayub Mohammed, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, India, since last 15 years residing in Hyderabad. Graduated in 1983, from Kakatiya University, and completed M.A from Andhra University, in 1985. After wards, continued in law, from Nagarjuna University, from1985 to 88. Now, I like to share with your opinions on the subjects, touching directly and indirectly to the society that influences the ideas and thoughts on each and every issue in the society, as well. Because, the whole global system is asking the humans to work like the machine, moving for them only as slaves, without ideas and dreams in the society. If the poor, even wanted to be a slave to his master, the master is not ready to accept him as a slave. The global masters wants the entire mankind must work like a bull without essentials for their survival, but the human nature continues to separate from the animal trait, through its thinking nature. The conflict stands irresolvable, till the point of reaching of masters and poor on certain understanding, by feeling each other as equal humans in the globe. Ayub Mohammed http://groups.yahoo.com/group/political_analysts/
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Population: 152.6 million (UN, 2005) To the world, Bangladesh is layered with strips of identity of what is one of the poorest nations in the planet. George Harrison renders a song of sympathy “Bangladesh” to this country of such distress where “people die fast.” The world can’t help looking at this South Asian country in that manner when a good news story is so hard to come by. Half of the population of Bangladesh live on less than a dollar a day. In the midst of politically-motivated violence and kidnapping, carrying on the normal stuff of life proves to be both tricky and difficult, to say the least. GEOGRAPHY & CLIMATE
PEOPLE & CULTURE FOOD & ATTRACTION Bengalis also love their food, and is one hobby they surely enjoy when they are not playing cricket, although with poverty daunting the country, a folk is glad to have eaten one meal in the day. The Bangladeshi cuisine also arouses curious interest from its visitors, and sure enough pleases its visitors who have monetary capacity to do so. Food is regionally varied by and large, but rice and curry are among the staples. Spices are lavishly used as these are basic components, turmeric, coriander, and chilies more than the rest. Bangladeshi cuisine is exceptionally similar to Indian cuisine with a hint of Central Asia. Unlike in Indian cuisine, beef is integral to the cuisine except among the Hindu minority. Fish are abundant in the country as well as bananas, oranges, apples, grapes, pomegranate, papaya, jackfruit, and the mangoes, “super fruit,” that are ample and assorted in kind. The desserts in Bangladesh? Dude, sweet, of course! The Bengalis are a group of people with a sweet tooth whose cuisine has rich traditions in sweet making. Among the MUST-TRY are roshogolla, mishti doi, chomchom, payesh, and the national darlng, shondesh. Backpacking Addictz is a website set up by backpackers for the use of backpackers. On this site you will find a lot of very valuable information surrounding different destinations around the world and tips and advice on budget travel and backpacking. You will also find an enthusiastic and insightful backpacking blog which is regularly updated with new posts and article. Backpacking Addictz Travel eGuides are a fantastic, cheap and easy way to get hold of a vast amount of backpacking information prior to setting off on your backpacking adventure. Josh Boorman Editor-in-chief Backpacking Addictz Twitter: @backpackaddictz
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Population survey is a prominent aspect in the field of counting through which actual strength and number of manpower can be measured scientifically. There is no denying the fact that in Bangladesh such survey has been carried out in many times but the criteria that have been used as performance indicators which have not satisfied the targeted goals. After survey it is seen that many complaints have been received from different regions where double counting, triple counting and even forged people being fictitious have been explored. The word survey originates from census which emanates from the Latin term censure, envisaging ‘assess’ and it by and large indicates the official complete counting of a country’s population. Besides population survey, there are two other types of surveys that are frequently conducted. These are agricultural survey or counting of agricultural holdings and economic survey or counting of economic units. All the three types of surveys-population, agricultural and economic- are on a regular basis held in Bangladesh. However, as the population survey illustrates the numerical universe of the country, all other surveys depend on population survey as a concrete framework of data collection.
Considering total counts of population, household or land sporadically in villages was ingredient of social life from early times in the Indian subcontinent as well as the areas now comprising Bangladesh. The system sustained in the Mughal period predominantly throughout their reigns but chopped in disuse after the decline of the Mughal Empire. The first population survey for the whole country on modern line following the one designed for the Belgian Survey of 1845, was established by the British Government all the way through India counting the present day Bangladesh territory in 1881as a decennial procedure. The 1881 populace survey was paved the way by a number of surveys of investigational nature taken during 1769-1855 by the East India Company and by the Crown during 1858-1869. However, as compared to up-to-the-minute surveys, these surveys were disconnected, barely methodical and lacked standardization. The methodical challenge to determine the entirety population of the complete countryside by actually counting heads was made between 1867 and 1872. This was not a synchronous and complete survey for the whole country and can be regarded as a dress rehearsal for the 1881 survey. With the 1881 survey the system of decennial population survey was introduced throughout India including Bangladesh. The system of taking population survey every ten year ending with’1’ continued in this part of the world till 1961. The 1971 survey was interrupted due to the war of liberation and was held subsequently in 1974 after the establishment of the sovereign and independent Bangladesh. With the survey of 1981 the decennial pattern of survey taking was resumed and the survey of 1991 followed in due course. The next survey of the country scheduled for 2001 is likely to initiate the decennial pattern of survey in the first century of the next millennium. Thus in sovereign Bangladesh so far three population surveys on the basis of total count had been held – in 1974, 1981 and 1991.
The up to date population survey of Bangladesh particularly since 1981 survey forward are designed on the UN proposal for population and home survey. The Bangladesh population survey can be defined as the total process of collecting, compiling, evaluating, analyzing, publishing and disseminating demographic, economic and social data pertaining to the total population of the country, at a specified time i.e. at midnight of the survey night or the survey reference date. Data are collected from all persons in the entire geographic territory of Bangladesh extending over all enclaves such as Angorpota and Dahagram, and all the coastal islands located within the territorial waters of the country. Bangladesh population survey also includes a housing survey or a survey of all permanent and temporary living quarters situated within the territory of the country that are actually in use as places of abode and their survey night occupants. The Bangladesh population survey has the following characteristic features:
• entirely permissible statistical operation authorized by a specific law and carried out by a government agency • details on the basis of individual persons residing in dwelling and institutional households • Explanation of population preceded by counting of floating and population- on- transit on the survey night. • Prompt completion of the universal counts using a short and simple questionnaire in OPTICAL MARK READER format. • Banding together the domestic based population count with the housing survey in one operation • Simultaneity of the counting operations in all parts of the country • setting up and holding the survey within the defined periodicity of every ten years • On the virtual counts, the three-year period prior to the survey taking is utilized in survey planning and the two-year period following in data processing, analysis and dissemination of survey results.
Population surveys in Bangladesh are demeanor under the Survey order 1972 as amended in 1981. Beginning with the 1981 survey, in keeping with the modern practice of treating population survey as a statistical operation, the survey order authorizes the Director General of the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics of the Statistics Division under the Ministry of Planning, as the authority in charge of survey taking. In all other previous survey the survey authority vested in the Survey Commissioner who was located in the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Bangladesh survey eliminates foreign nationals including tourists and temporary visitors and enumerates all the Bangladeshi nationals living within the territory of the country on the survey night. Bangladeshi nationals living abroad on the survey night such as workers, students and visitors abroad are also not counted. The survey order authorizes the survey authority to formulate a survey plan for the conduct of the survey and a questionnaire for collecting the survey information on a standardized format. The survey order makes it obligatory for all eligible Bangladeshi nationals to provide answers to the survey questionnaire to the best of their abilities and refusal a punishable act under section 187 of the Bangladesh Penal Code. Answers to the survey questionnaire are required to be given by the head of the household on behalf of all persons in the household present on the survey night or in absence of the head, by the next senior person. . Feedback form is the heart of survey taking and reflects the basic purpose for which the survey is taken. Since 1981 survey, Bangladesh population survey have included two questionnaires- the short or the main questionnaire that is universally canvassed and the long questionnaire that is used in the sample survey. The sample survey is conducted after the main count to collect detailed and supplementary information on the basis of sampling a portion of the counted population. A noFigure feature of the short survey questionnaire is its OPTICAL MARK READER or optical mark read format. Since 1981 survey the OPTICAL MARK READER questionnaire in completely pre-coded form has been successfully used in the total count to collect the population and housing information with considerable ease in field record, reduction in data capture time and complete elimination of human error in data capture process. Specimen of the OPTICAL MARK READER forms used in the main counts of 1981 and 1991 survey are provided as appendices. Since the 2001 sample survey is planned to cover a fairly large segment of the population [nearly 20%], to reduce data capture time and error free data entry, the sample survey questionnaire will also be in OPTICAL MARK READER format. The topics included in the main survey questionnaire are of two types -information collected for each individual person and housing information. To fulfill the requirements of a simple, short and OPTICAL MARK READER based questionnaire, only the key topics are included after a balanced consideration of several key factors. These include the priority national needs, willingness and ability of the public to provide the information adequately, international comparability of the information both within the SAARC region and on a worldwide basis and human and financial resources available for conducting the survey to collect the information. Formulation and finalization of the survey questionnaire takes up greater part of the survey planning time, and extends usually over two to three years. For ensuring comparability of successive survey core topics are retained from survey to survey and addition or deletion of other topics is done sparingly. The questionnaire is finalized on the basis of several pretests in actual field conditions and on the scrutiny and advice of the survey technical committee that consists of academic experts, representatives of survey data users and business community, legislative body of the ministries, local governments and NGOs. whole topics enclosed in the survey include in addition to the core topics of the short questionnaire, the topics in the sample survey questionnaire, which are usually more detailed aimed at collecting flow type data compared to the bench mark type data targeted by the main survey. By way of supplementing the core topics of the short questionnaire, the sample survey questionnaire of the recent Bangladesh population survey have included topics of demographic, economic and social importance on both the individual and housing modules. On the individual module the following topics are included: • Fertility • Mortality • Migration • Physical disability and impairment • Causes of disability • Income of the household head and main sources of income • Status and the Institutional sector of employment • Place of work
On the housing and household module the topics included in the sample survey had been the following: • Rooms and floor space • Water supply system • Toilet and sewerage facilities • Cooking facilities • Lighting and type of fuel and electricity • Rental and housing costs of owner occupant housing
The population survey is undoubtedly the single most extensive, complicated and expensive statistical operation consisting of a complex series of interrelated steps, that the country undertakes. A key feature of the recent Bangladesh population survey is preparation and implementation of a comprehensive survey plan that fully reflects the strategic objectives of the survey and identifies the diverse survey operations to insure that they occur in their proper sequence and in a timely manner. Bangladesh survey plan divides survey activities into the following six phases: • Preparatory work • Record • Evaluation of record quality • Data processing • Dissemination of the results • Analysis of the results
Operationally, the six phases are not chronologically entirely separate or mutually exclusive but overlapping and interactive. The preparatory phase consists of several diverse activities and is the most difficult and time consuming usually taking around 60% of the total survey plan time. On the other hand it is the right conceptualization through satisfactory implementation of the key activities of the preparatory phase that makes or unmakes the survey. Preparatory phase include: Planning the survey calendar or the survey time Figure, Fixation of the size of record area [EA] Mapping work for dividing the whole country into EAs with the help of survey cartography, Preparation of the survey questionnaire and its printing, Plan of survey record including recruitment and training of field enumerators and supervisors. The other activities are no less important. These include insuring proper legal basis for the survey, developing survey budget and system of cost control, development of survey administration, plan for PEQC and quality control, plan for survey publicity, data processing plan and plan for survey publication and dissemination of survey data and information. The survey calendar or timeFigure indicates the sequence and estimated duration of each component operations of the survey The key date in the calendar is of course the starting and closing dates of the general record of the population on which hinge all other operations. Survey calendar in Bangladesh is usually drawn in the form of a bar or the Programme Evaluation Review Technique ( PERT ) chart, with separate bars of each main operation.
Survey budget provides careful financial estimates of the cost of each operation of the survey and is based on costs of the components and estimate of the total cost of the entire survey operation. And the budget together with the budget calendar is used as an instrument of effective control of survey operations. Levels of expenditures in the previous survey classified by survey phases form the basis of preliminary estimates that are modified to take into account general inflation and changes in the scope. One special feature of Bangladesh survey budget is foreign donor assistance that funds substantial portion of the total cost particularly foreign exchange costs of data processing and data input mercenaries and printing of OPTICAL MARK READER questionnaires. Total expenditures including the amount of foreign assistance on the Bangladesh Survey together with the expected assistance for the 2001 survey compared to 1981 and 1991survey are provided in Figure 3: Figure 3 :Costs of Bangladesh Population Survey
Survey Total cost in crore Taka Record Cost as % of total cost Equipment cost as % of total cost Other costs as % of total cost Foreign assist. as % of Total Cost 1974 1981 1991 2001 3.61 21.25 27.32 41.05 29.9 35.8 43.2 57.8 27.5 42.6 15.4 18.9 42.6 21.6 41.4 23.3 - 59.5 83.6 92.6
Data processing and dissemination etc. Source: Survey Administrative Reports for 1981 &1991. In a nutshell, mean cost per person itemized was around Taka 2 in 1981 in nominal prices that include costs of record, equipment, data processing and dissemination and all other costs, which increased to Taka 3 in 1991. The likely average cost in 2001 survey is projected at Taka 4. Survey EA: Success of the survey field record depends on fixation of the optimum size of record area and segmenting the country into record areas. For the purpose of counting, the target population is divided into four groups-population in dwelling houses, population in institutional houses [such as hotels, hostels, mess, jails, hospitals etc], and floating population [i.e. rootless or population without any permanent address] and population on transit [on the survey night]. Of these the largest group in the country is population in dwelling which accounts for about 98% of the enumerated population and the remaining groups around 2%. Since record of the population in dwelling as well as housing is done on household basis the size of EA is determined on the number of households an enumerator can cover within the stipulated period of field record, which in the 1981 and 1991 survey has been 3 days. The size of record varies between 90 to 110 households averaging around 100. Division of the country into record areas is done meticulously for urban and rural areas separately with the help of up to data base maps. Population survey extends the concept of urban areas from survey to survey. Currently urban areas in Bangladesh include all the four statistical metropolitan areas [defined as the area including the peri-urban areas adjacent to the metropolitan areas], all municipalities and other urban areas that include growth centers and thana head quarters and the survey concept of urban areas is used universally. Each EA is provided with a geocode [a 7-digit hierarchical code that covers all the major and minor civil divisions of the country] and a separate map with a clear delineated boundary identified through prominent landmarks on the ground is prepared for each EA. Preparation of EA maps is done through country wide field operation which is done by counting all dwelling houses and their inhabitants, identifying EA boundaries on the base maps and is a major operation that takes greater part of survey planning. The finalized EA maps are reproduced and each enumerator is provided with a copy to insure accurate field record and avoidance of duplication or overlap in counting between neighboring EAs. Five EAs are grouped to form SAs or supervision areas and each supervisor is provided with a copy of the SA map. Totaling EAs and SAs the number of enumerators and supervisors is arrived at. Selection of enumerators and supervisors for the purpose of survey is done through another country – wide operation called zonal operation, which is carried out by the field net work of BBS. The plan of operation is then prepared. The plan sets forth the countrywide survey publicity arrangements and other operational components of the survey plan. Survey publicity uses every avenue of nation-wide publicity particularly media, loud speaker, drum beating, and other traditional means. Other operational components include scheduling of field training of EAs and SAs delivered through a hierarchy of master trainers, and the logistical arrangements for survey materials including dispatch of books containing survey questionnaire and return of the filled in questionnaires and record schedule. Specifying dates for training including mock record by all enumerators and supervisors and the dates for actual record around the specified survey night are the other key elements of the plan of operation. The testing of the various aspects of the operation plan including record is carried out a few months prior to holding the actual survey in all EAs comprising a Thana in an operation known as Pilot Survey. The Pilot survey tests the operations planned for all stages of survey including record, processing and evaluation of results and provide information on the adequacy of field organization, quality control measures and training program and help identify the procedural weaknesses so that they can be rectified on time. By using OPTICAL MARK READER schedule for survey record has simplified and cut down by at least two thirds the data capture time, while insuring an almost error free data capture process. This in turn has reduced substantially the overall data processing and tabulation time. In fact full tabulation of the survey is completed within one year of survey record which usually took around five to six years in pre- OPTICAL MARK READER survey. Use of OCR and other state-of –the –art data capture equipment are likely to reduce further the data processing time in future survey. Survey results are tabulated hierarchically up from mauza [and villages comprising mauza and mahalla and ward for urban areas], union, thana, zilla, division and finally aggregated for the country as a whole. For the purpose of dissemination survey publication includes several volumes including the National Analytical Report and District Reports for each district of the country. These are supplemented by special reports on Post record quality check survey, Sample survey, Analytical report on urban areas and an administrative report on the survey operations. In addition to hard copies, all survey data are available in machine-readable forms-in diskettes and CDs. Survey Evaluation: Post Record Quality Check: A unique feature of Bangladesh survey is post record quality check survey that is conducted immediately [usually 15 days to a month] after the main count. The purpose is to check the overall quality of the survey main count by estimating the degree of coverage error i.e. omission or duplication of persons and content error or the errors in responding to survey questionnaire. Typically coverage error in Bangladesh survey relate to missing of persons and entire households from the main count. This arises largely from the high density of population and the propensity to live everywhere, not only in dwelling but also in every type of structures. The growing number of floating population and slum dwellers particularly in urban and peri-urban areas adds to the problem. Content or response errors relate primarily to age record, to literacy and marital status. PEQC is conducted by completely enumerating a smaller number of randomly selected survey record areas both in rural and urban areas through a completely independent agency engaging a different set of field enumerators. Results of the PEQC survey are matched with the survey record to estimate the coverage and response errors of survey. The survey results however, are not corrected for these errors except that on the basis of net coverage error the global count of population for the country is adjusted and published as an estimate allowing for undercount. The degree of net errors [sum of missed rate (-) and over count(+)] in recent survey in Bangladesh has been as follows Survey publications: publications are the main products of survey that disseminate the principal results of the population count and the housing survey. Primary data are always aggregated into Figures, since disclosure of individual identity is prohibited under the survey law. Aggregated data are presented as Figures on age, sex and geographical distribution of population and living quarters, households and population by type of living quarters, distribution of population by literacy status and years of schooling, labour force participation and, urbanization etc. Using modern computer and data capture equipment for the processing of survey data BBS has been reducing greatly the unit cost and lead time required for data processing compared to older form of processing. Bangladesh survey publications include the following volumes of reports: Report on the preliminary survey count [released early on with or without PEQC correction] National Volume includes detailed national Figures and analysis District series–detailed district wise data and Figures. Community series- selected data by villages and unions Report of the sample survey Report of the PEQC Special reports on urbanization, housing etc administrative report on the survey operation. As a result of the long lead time survey data become largely un-current and lose their value for users. The goal should be to complete final survey product within one year of survey taking. Origination with the 1981survey methodological improvements and technology based survey infrastructure and the state-of-the-art equipments have been progressively deployed to minimize the risks, reduce production time and insure a quality survey. Accurate and updated record area maps are now the basis of survey count that reduces the risk of undercount or overlaps. EA maps based on the most recent aerial photograph of the country are being developed to insure improve counts in urban areas in the coming survey of 2001.OPTICAL MARK READER based schedule integrating housing and population count has simplified the main operation, ensuring quality record. Also error free data processing along with substantial reduction in data processing time have been realized The likely use of OCR technology in the 2001 survey will further improve the quality of Bangladesh survey and cut down production lead time substantially Data dissemination in CD and other computer readable media will speed up data dissemination and insure wide spread use of survey data. Applications of state-of- the – art technology in future survey takings are likely to make Bangladesh survey a highly cost effective public venture with extensive value to the nation and all users of survey data.
In view of the above, it is evident that in order to congregate varied customer requirements BBS also provide special tabulation of the survey data in diskette or CD. BBS is also on the increase the MNSDS -the bare minimum national social data set of Bangladesh based on the survey and related survey data on the Internet website for global use. The main challenge of population survey taking in Bangladesh is the risk of under count i.e. missing persons or entire households from counting. High density of population and the propensity of the people to live every where, in dwelling as well as non-dwelling structures of every description. The risk is relatively high in urban areas due to prevalence of slums and growing trend of floating or shelter less persons. As the country’s population grows the risk is also likely to intensify. The other risk relates to the problem of correct age record of the people particularly children and women and arises from high illiteracy, almost universal digital preference and from the absence of a countrywide birth registration system. The resultant distribution of population by single age is highly imprecise; graduation and age grouping are therefore essential for age profiling. Age Pyramid of Bangladesh, the main output of Population survey is a highly approximate one. The third test is diminution of the lead-time in broadcasting total survey product i.e. national volumes and district reports to the users. Despite using of OPTICAL MARK READER technology that has speeded up data capture time significantly since 1981 survey, it still takes about 5 to 7 years to produce the complete set of survey reports Kh. Atiar rahman has long been experienced in English articles writing. He was born at Meherpur in the former district of kushtia
Malaysian culture or Malaya culture is a mixture of Malay, Chinese, Indian, and various indigenous tribes dating back to more than fifteen hundred years ago from a Kedah kingdom in Lembah Bujang with traders from China and India. Other cultures in the past that influenced heavily on the culture of Malaya include the Persian, Arab and European. The indigenous tribes are the oldest inhabitants of Malaysia. They account for about 5 percent of the total population, and represent a majority in East Malaysia of Sabah and Sarawak. In Sabah, the largest official ethnic group is Kadazan, though many unofficially recognised subgroups exist. The same can be said of other ethnic groups, with as many as a hundred racial groups forming the state’s population. However because many subgroups possess only minor differences, they are not always differentiated. In Sarawak, the dominant tribal groups are the Dayak, who typically live in longhouses if in the rural areas and are either Iban or Bidayuh. Malay are the largest ethnic group, accounting for over half the population and the national language. By definition of the Malaysian constitution, all Malays are Muslims. Traditional Malay culture can still be found in the village. Malays in different areas of the country speak their own unique dialects that can sometimes be unintelligible to most of their fellow countrymen. The first Chinese to settle in the Straits Settlements, primarily in and around Malacca, gradually adopted elements of … Related Dating Indian Bangladeshi Womens Articles Mail this post
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The media had termed the blasts as the ‘worst-ever’ terrorist strike in Assam. For decades, this ill fated state is passing through a chronic sequence of hatred, suspicion, violence and ethnic division. Today, this once prosperous land is one of the most economically backward and problem-ridden states of India. The state has a meager economic growth; many areas are still left untouched from development. Maltreatment of consecutive governments has promoted many of the genuine grievances of the Assamese people and helped the continuing conflicts and misconceptions to thrive. To form a precise opinion on this terrorist strike, it seems essential to chronologically study the highly complex history of the state. It is also crucial to carefully peel through the many layers of facts and viewpoints to get near the core truth. Prologue The eight states of the North-East region of India comprise over 200 distinct ethnic groups. Assam alone is the home of about 20 large and small ethnic groups. Having ancestral relation with neighbour countries like China, Myanmar, Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan and sharing 98 per cent of its border with them, this land and its ethnic inhabitants has historically remained distanced from mainland India. Human migration was an ongoing phenomenon in the Brahmaputra Valley for over the centuries. Various immigrant groups, most of them Mongoloids, had entered the region from neighbouring South-East Asian countries. The Ahoms, a Tai-Mongoloid group, immigrated to Assam during 13th century from China and consolidated their position to establish the Ahom Kingdom that ruled Assam for the next 600 years. In 1818, the Burmese invaded Assam and forced the Ahom king to leave the kingdom. Finally, in 1826 the British drove out the Burmese and Assam came under British domination. Although the power of Ahom Kingdom started to decline from the second half of the 18th century, the territory remained mostly unconquered from any exterior power (except for the brief periods between 1663 to 1667 by the Mughals and 1818 to 1826 by the Burmese invasion) till the British took over. British rule and growth of ‘anti-Bengali’ syndrome After their takeover, the British revived Assam to one of the wealthier states of their regime with industrial and infrastructural developments. The tea industry was built up; high productive oil fields were discovered. The British brought in English educated Bengali officials to Assam to run the tea plantations and the civil service of the British raj. Since 1826, educated Bengali middle class Hindus held important positions in the colonial administration and other important professions like teachers, doctors, lawyers and magistrates. They also managed to introduce and initiate Bengali as the executive language of Assam. In 1905, the Viceroy of India Lord Curzon divided Bengal Presidency (undivided Bengal) into East and West Bengal. Assam was merged with the new Muslim majority province of East Bengal. However, in 1911 British Government annulled the Bengal Partition due to massive political unrest in West Bengal. Assam was restored to its earlier status as a Chief Commissioner’s Province. But this time the British did another damaging act by integrating Bengali speaking Cachar, Goalpara and Sylhet with Assam province. The British design to merge Assam with East Bengal had hurt the ethnic pride of local Assamese people. The decision was perceived by them as an indication that the Britishers are adversely treating their homeland as an extension of Bengal. Despite the fact that the middle class Bengali Hindus has made enormous contributions to the development of Assam’s oil wealth, industry and administration, the authority and power exercised by them over the ethnic Assamese and treating them with arrogance and contempt had ensued grave discontentment and a fear of cultural subordination. Moreover, the continuing large-scale influx of lower class Bengali Muslims was perceived as a demographic conquest by Bengalis to overpower local Assamese – those who were either Hindus or animists. As a result, a deep ‘anti-Bengali’ syndrome developed in the psyche of the ethnic Assamese mass. Hostility, mistrust and socio-cultural conflicts aggravated between the two major linguistic groups and have set the fertile ground for a full scale future confrontation. Muslim immigration and the linguistic conflict During the British rule, a big mass of Muslims had emigrated from undivided Bengal to Assam. Local Assamese people were living mostly in Upper Assam and cultivating one crop per year. They were less interested about working in the tea gardens or increasing their agricultural productivity. Hence, to work in the tea gardens, the British tea planters started to import labourers from central India – mainly from Bihar. British entrepreneurs had also actively encouraged landless Bengali speaking Muslim peasants to migrate from the populous East Bengal into the lowlands of Assam to work and develop the vast virgin lands. These poor peasant labourers were hardworking in nature and ready to work with minimal wages. They toiled hard on the waste lands of Lower Assam and transformed it into fertile agricultural fields. The influx of peasant labourers increased with the 1941 Land Settlement Policy. A British government 1931 census report stated that only in Nagaon district, the number of Bengali settlers has gone up between 1921 and 1931 by two thirds, from 300,000 to 500,000. The report also observed that places like Nagaon, Barpeta, Darrang, Kamrup and North Lakimpur were ‘invaded’ by settlers coming from Mymensingh district of East Bengal. These peasant Bengali immigrants made Assam their home and made a significant contribution to the agricultural economy of the state. In the critical months leading up to Partition, Assam was again in the verge of getting merged with East Pakistan. The Congress High Command and the Muslim League agreed on the Cabinet mission proposal for regrouping of Assam with the eastern part of Bengal, which was to go away with Pakistan. The move was fiercely opposed by Gopinath Borodoloi, the stalwart Congress leader of Assam with the backing of Mahatma Gandhi. Borodoloi successfully prevented the regrouping plan and saved Assam from becoming a part of Pakistan. Combined with the present day territories of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya, Assam sans the pre-dominantly Muslim district of Sylhet, Assam became a state of the Union of India. A July 29, 1947 editorial in Assam Tribune, noted that “…the Assamese people seem to feel relieved of a burden”. The frustration of this failure to include Assam with East Pakistan left a permanent blotch within a prominent section of orthodox Muslim leadership and reactionary religious groups. This abiding resentment was preserved in their minds as the cherished Islamic design for a Greater Bangladesh which became the major source of future clashes. Population influx of Bengali refugees, both Hindu and Muslims continued from East Bengal (now East Pakistan) in the post Partition period. It used to accelerate whenever natural calamities, economic or political instability affected East Pakistan. During this time, the ongoing linguistic conflict between the Bengalis and Assamese acquired momentum and turned into a fierce agitation with one side demanding official language status for Assamese and the other side defending the existing status of Bengali. The conflict had a definite political undertone and in 1960-61 burst into violent language riots causing several deaths from both sides. In 1961, Assamese language received the official language status by a legislation passed by the Government of Assam known as the ‘Official Language Act’. However, under pressure from the predominantly Bengali speaking districts of Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj in the Barak Valley of southern Assam, the official status of Bengali language was retained there. After the Indo-China war in 1962, Arunachal Pradesh was separated out from Assam. The state was further Balkanized with the formation of Meghalaya, Manipur and Nagaland in the years of 1960-70s. Formation of Bangladesh With the active help and intervention of the Indian government and army, Bangladesh (former East Pakistan) was liberated from the grip of Pakistan and was established as a sovereign secular republic in 1971. It became a highly emotional event for the millions of Bengalis of India, who during the catastrophic Partition days were forcefully uprooted from their homeland in East Bengal and immigrate to India. The utterly traumatic events of Partition had left a profound effect on their lives. In his sensitive films, Ritwik Kumar Ghatak has brilliantly displayed this emotion, longing and trauma of the refugee Bengali Hindu families. Bengali Hindu refugees and immigrants who came to India before or during or after Partition has always related themselves with East Bengal and never with East Pakistan. But liberation of Bangladesh also sharply increased a fresh influx of immigrants – thousands of Bangladesh nationals started pouring into the bordering states of Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya and West Bengal. The primary reason of this exodus was economic. Bangladesh was a highly populated country where 60 per cent of the population lived below the poverty line. Devastating natural calamities regularly displace millions. Land alienation, poverty, unemployment and lack of adequate social infrastructure prompted the poor Bangladeshi nationals to immigrate into India for a better livelihood. Between 1970 and 1974, the population of East Pakistan (Bangladesh after 1971) amazingly came down from 7.50 crores to 7.14 crores. Though, calculating by the annual population growth rate of 3.10 per cent, in 1974 it should actually increase to 7.70 crores. It is widely believed that the shortfall of 5.60 million has actually immigrated in India. Twenty-four years have passed from 1947 to 1971 but the nostalgia and longing for desher bari (homeland) was still alive in the refugee hearts. Bangladesh’s liberation generated a wider hope for reinstating their broken linkage and therefore created an ecstatic feeling among them. Though chauvinist-reactionary groups were present in both the sides to spoil the jubilation, the enormity of the event temporarily demoralized and disbanded them. A general mood of elation and friendship was prevailing among the two countries. Triumphant after the victory over Pakistan and temporarily blinded by its own war success, the Indian government at that point failed to contemplate the consequence of this massive influx from Bangladesh. However this friendship and goodwill gradually evaporated after the legendary leader and founder of Bangladesh Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in 1975. Bangladesh eventually discarded secularism in 1988 and declared Islam as the state religion. The rise of AASU In the post-Bangladesh era, the Assamese-non Assamese conflict turned in a statewide turmoil with the rise of the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU). AASU came to prominence in 1979 with their ‘peaceful’ agitation (popularly called as the ‘Assam Agitation’) to uncover all illegal immigrants in Assam, deletion of their names from the electoral rolls and their deportation. Calling their movement ‘the 18th war of independence’, an allusion to the 17 wars fought by Assam’s legendary King Lachit Borphukan, AASU claimed that “infiltration and illegal migration is a potential threat to the integrity and sovereignty of the country as well as a demographic danger to the indigenous communities of Assam”. The movement was actually triggered by the discovery of a sudden rise in registered voters on electoral rolls. In the 1970s, the number of registered voters in Assam jumped from 6.20 million to almost 9 million – the increase was mostly accounted for migrants from Bangladesh. Accusing the Congress party for protecting the migrants as a ‘captive vote bank’, AASU constituted a broader platform called All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP) with representatives of various organizations to augment the agitation against ‘illegal immigrants’. Taking advantage of the deep rooted sentiments and discontentment of Assamese people against the settlers, AASU and AAGSP successfully transmuted it into a widespread popular movement with the clamoured call of ‘Bideshi Khedao’ (kick the foreigners out). Various social-political groups, personalities and intelligentsia played clandestine or active role in this six year long reactionary agitation. The mood of the agitation was well accounted by journalist Chaitanya Kalbagh: “Aside from the anti-foreigner sentiment, the movement has developed other dangerous strains – anti-Bengali, anti-Left, anti-Muslim, anti-non Assamese, and slowly but discernibly, even anti-Indian.” (India Today, 1-15 May, 1980) The Nellie massacre AASU had strongly opposed the 1980 Parliament elections and later the 1983 State Assembly election on the ground that the polls be adjourned till electoral rolls were cleansed of illegal immigrants. Amid the ongoing agitation, the Congress government went ahead for the State Assembly polls in February 1983. During the polls the state witnessed large-scale arson, communal disturbances, group clashes and killings. The violence had no particular pattern – ethnic clashes between Assamese tribal and non-tribal; communal clashes between local Hindus and immigrant Muslims and linguistic clashes between Assamese and Bengalis occurred all over the state. On February 18, a day after the polling has concluded, the village of Nellie in Nagaon district, 34 miles north-east of Guwahati was virtually turned into a killing field by a horrific and brutal massacre. According to official figures, on a single day, 2191 innocent and very poor Bengali Muslims, mostly women and children, were butchered in broad daylight by Assamese Hindus and Lalung tribals. Twenty-five years have passed but the Nellie massacre still remains an extremely mysterious case where no one claimed responsibility for the massacre, no judicial probe or independent enquiry was ever demanded by the Congress or the AASU, a Commission of Inquiry was instituted but the 600-page report was never made public and not a single person was convicted. The Congress and subsequent AGP government suppressed all information and deliberately tried to rub off the gruesome and shameful episode from the memory of Assam. (For an eyewitness account of the Nellie massacre see: Bedabrata Lahkar, Recounting a nightmare, Assam Tribune) Enactment of IMDT Act Despite the existence of the Foreigner’s Act 1946 which gave the Indian Government certain powers to execute in respect of the entry, presence and departure of foreigners inside the Indian Territory, the Indian parliament in 1983 enacted the Illegal Migrant Determination by Tribunal Act (IMDT). Unlike the existing Foreigner’s Act which was applicable to the whole of India, IMDT Act was solely applicable to the state of Assam and projected as an instrument to detect illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and expel them. There were fundamental differences between the two acts. According to the Foreigners Act, a suspected illegal immigrant has to establish his/her nationality on their own whereas under the IMDT Act, the responsibility of proving the citizenship of a suspected illegal immigrant lay on the complainant. The act was a focused political move initiated by Delhi – to spoil the growing influence of AASU and to protect genuine Indian citizens affected by the Assam Agitation, both religious and linguistic, from the undue harassment of been termed as illegal. Interestingly, the IMDT Act was passed by a Parliament, which had no members from Assam due to a boycott of elections on this issue. The IMDT Act was challenged in courts by MP Sarbanand Sonowal of AGP. In 2005, a three-judge Bench of the Supreme Court struck it down as unconstitutional and directed to set up fresh tribunals under the Foreigners Act, 1946 and Foreigners (Tribunal Order) 1964. The Assam Accord The violent ‘direct action’ agitation of AASU continued for six consecutive years till the signing of the Assam Accord in August 15, 1985. The Assam Accord was a tripartite agreement between AASU, the government of Assam and the government of India. After much debate and negotiations, AASU retracted from its earlier demand of deporting all migrants who came after 1951 as ‘illegal’ and agreed on to recognize March 25, 1971 (the day civil war in East Pakistan began) as the cut-off date to determine ‘foreign infiltrators’ in Assam. Signing of the Assam Accord was celebrated as a political victory of AASU. The state Assembly was dissolved and Hiteswar Saikia headed Congress government which came to power after the infamous February elections was dismissed. Within three months, AASU was transformed into a regional political party called Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) on October 14, 1985. Fresh elections in December 1985 brought AGP in power. After coming to power the AGP government adapted half-hearted and shortsighted measures to deal with the immigration problem. All cases connected with the Nellie massacre were dropped. Though the IMDT Act had depraved political intentions and has basic flaws from its inception, it is extremely interesting to recall that AASU or AGP did not raise any uproar about the shortcomings on identification, detection and deportation of illegal migrants in the act, which was enacted just two years before the Assam Accord. It was only after losing power in the 1991 assembly elections to Congress; AGP started a hue and cry about the defects of IMDT Act and demanded for its repeal. The rise of armed insurgency The volatile situation in Assam for decades had paved the way for various terrorist-insurgent groups of different scale and size to mushroom and commit scores of violent and mindless incidents like murders, triggering blasts, abductions for ransom, extortions and attacking of economic targets. The South Asia Terrorism Portal website has listed 36 such terrorist-insurgent groups in Assam. Prominent among them are the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), United Liberation Front of Barak Valley (ULFBV), Dima Halim Daogah (DHD), Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO), Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA), Muslim United Liberation Front of Assam (MULFA), United People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS), Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Liberation Front (KLNLF), Black Widow, Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) and Barak Valley Youth Liberation Front (BVYLF). Many of the smaller groups are actually the offshoots of major groups. The objective of most of the groups is secession from the Indian State. However, except ULFA, most of the secessionist insurgent outfits that had appeared during the turbulent days of 1979-1983 did not survive after the Assam Accord. By going through the list, one will be startled to find that with the exception of ULFA most of the groups have a specific ethnic-religious representation. It is seemingly obvious that the root cause of armed insurgency in Assam is the widespread and deep rooted ethnic cultural conflict prevailing in the region that is fueled by the failure of subsequent governments and mainstream political parties to understand the local people’s mind. The rise of ethnicity based insurgency and the separatist demand for sovereignty were the direct result of a general feeling of alienation, dispossession and fury among the ethnic community which considered that armed insurgency is the only way to make their voices heard. The presence of about 20 large and small ethnic groups with differing belief systems and way of life and the unique geographical location has facilitated the rapid development of terrorist-insurgent activities in Assam. There are also roughly 14 Islamist terrorist outfits operating in Assam, those who attempts to mobilize the Muslim youths in Assam to fight for the ’cause of Muslims’. Pakistan and Bangladesh based foreign terrorist groups like Harkat-Ul-Mujaheedin, Harkat-Ul-Jihad, Jamat-Ul-Mujaheedin and Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami (HuJI) are also reportedly having active presence in Assam. Another militant outfit named Islamic United Revolution Protect of India (IURPI) has been formed recently covering the Muslim dominated districts of Assam. The menace called ULFA United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) is a well organized, highly influential, widely connected, enormously funded terrorist group active in Assam. During the height of anti-foreigner agitation, a hard line section parted from AASU to form ULFA. Born on the lawns of the historic Rang Ghar of Sibsagar on 7th April 1979, ULFA leaders Rajiv Rajkonwar alias Arabinda Rajkhowa (chairman), Samiran Gogoi alias Pradip Gogoi (vice-chairman), Paresh Barua (chief of staff) and Golap Baruah alias Anup Chetia (general secretary) declared their aim of “liberating Assam from the illegal occupation of India” and to establish a ’sovereign socialist Assam’. By describing itself as a ‘revolutionary political organization’, ULFA gave a militant manifestation to the anti-foreigner movement but initially remained concealed by acting along with AASU. There is a fundamental difference between the ideologies of AASU and ULFA. AASU’s agitation was pointed against ‘illegal immigrants’ whereas ULFA’s struggle is solely against the Indian State: “to overthrow Indian colonial occupation from Assam”. The ULFA does not consider itself a separatist or secessionist organization, as it claims that Assam was never a part of India. Arbinda Rajkhowa, chairman of ULFA once said that, “India has been occupying Assam illegally like Kashmir, which was never an integral part of India”. ULFA claims that among the various problems that people of Assam are confronting, the problem of national identity is the basic, and therefore represents “not only the Assamese nation but also the entire independent minded struggling peoples, irrespective of different race-tribe-caste-religion and nationality of Assam”. It must be mentioned here that ULFA has always refused to admit their involved in any ethnic or communal violence but always admitted their role if the attack was against the Indian security forces or any target symbolic to the Indian State like the state-owned oil pipelines. It is principally a secular outfit and fiercely against Hindu nationalist groups and the BJP, calling it ‘out and out a Hindu fundamentalist party’. After the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, ULFA was credited for stopping Hindu-Muslim riots ‘by displaying arms openly’ in the Hojai region of Nagaon district. ULFA’s initial cadre recruits were from AASU. But later they started recruiting cadres directly, particularly from the rural belts. Even after the outfit was banned and Indian Army operations resumed in September 2006, the continuing presence of ULFA suggests that the organization has somehow maintained their rural influences and the pattern of cadre recruits. The outfit has a mixed cadre base comprising Assamese and ethnic tribals – even Bengali peasants. ULFA is believed to have a trained cadre-strength of around 5,000 and possesses a huge cache of weapons for its insurgent activities. Around the mid-80s ULFA started showing its true face with low-intensity military conflicts, political homicides and economic subversion and was soon recognized as a potent terror organization. By dividing insurgency activities between its political and military wing ULFA started raising huge funds through extortions and threatening rich businessmen and tea estate owners and also looted banks. The outfit’s major operational area was the Dibrugarh-Tinsukia sector, the wealthiest tea-growing and oil producing region of Assam. Almost every tea plantation paid an annual ransom to them. In 1986, ULFA leaders established contacts with National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) of Myanmar to procure arms and arrange for training of its cadres. The Kachins taught them the essentials of terrorist-insurgent tactics. One of its daring attacks was in May 1990 when ULFA cadres killed Surendra Paul, one of the leading tea planters in Assam and brother of famous UK-based businessman Lord Swaraj Paul. The incident caused many tea estate managers to flee Assam. Soon the government sprung into action. The entire state of Assam was declared a ‘disturbed area’ and ULFA was banned on November 1990 as a terrorist group. Since 1990, the Indian security forces are engaged in Assam to stall ULFA activities. Controlling the ULFA menace became a dilemma for the AGP government as the leaders of AASU-AGP and ULFA were the same lot of people, born from the same arena. “The cynical characterization of the same set of people as ASSU in the morning, Government (AGP) at midday and ULFA at night cannot be just laughed away” (M. Kar, Muslims in Assam Politics – 1946-1991, page 421; quoted in R. Upadhyay, ULFA – A Deviated Movement?) Taking this advantage, ULFA almost ran a parallel government in Assam, conducting trials of people and black mailing them for extorting money. The AGP government had also encouraged ULFA activities to some extent to keep alive their confrontational politics and pressure over the Central Government. “The reasoning behind the unwillingness on the part of the AGP regime to confront the ULFA lies in its eagerness to keep the terrorists actively alive to retain its anti-centre leverage” (Ibid. page 425). On the other hand, ULFA’s popularity and influence gained a spectacular rise from the rising disillusionment among the Assamese people against the AGP regime. Contrary to its original ideological position of a revolutionary political organization and dumping its ’social-reform’ activities, the ULFA leadership has done a complete volte-face when they transformed the outfit into a purely terrorist outfit. Later on, ULFA established contacts with Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan, Defense Forces Intelligence (DFI) of Bangladesh, the Afghan Mujahedeen and other terrorist-insurgent groups of North-East and committed a series of atrocious crimes to create terror in the State. Since 1989, ULFA Chief of Staff Paresh Barua, however, has denied the alleged link of ULFA with ISI as a ‘heinous conspiracy of New Delhi’. ULFA continues to be active but has lost its credibility to a great extent due to its involvement in the mindless violence, killing of ordinary people and lumpenization of its cadres. On January 2007, suspected ULFA extremists killed at least 62 Hindi-speaking Bihari daily labourers, workers of brick kiln, petty-traders and roadside vendors in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia and Sibsagar districts of Upper Assam. Its popular support has reduced but not fully erased. There is still an underlying sympathy about ULFA in the greater Assamese society, especially among the underprivileged, middle-class and intelligentsia. “A section of the intelligentsia, however, uses the insurgent influence as a shortcut to secure personal objectives and fame. It is not a rare exception in Assam to find a respected intellectual advocating the insurgent cause, of course from a safe distance and carefully balancing constitutional restrictions and revolutionary babble. Many among the more sober intellectuals in Assam prefer to maintain a deliberate silence on the issue.” (Sunil Nath, Assam: The Secessionist Insurgency and the Freedom of Minds) This sympathy among its home-population is ULFA’s key strength. The HuJI and RSS-BJP factor Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami or HuJI is a fanatic terrorist outfit formed at Pakistan in 1984. It initially operated in Afghanistan, then at Jammu-Kashmir and later was extended to Bangladesh in 1992. Banned in Bangladesh since October 2005, the objective of HuJI is apparent from their one-time slogan: Amra Sobai Hobo Taliban, Bangla Hobe Afghanistan (We will all become Taliban; we will turn Bangladesh into Afghanistan). It is a deadly terror outfit operating from the coastal area of Chittagong south through Cox’s Bazaar to the Myanmar border. In recent years, this Bangladesh chapter of HuJI has been found to be responsible for a number of terrorist strikes in India with the active assistance from ISI. Since 1998, unconfirmed reports were emerging about HuJI-ULFA links. The connection was proved in 2003 from the confessions of some arrested jihadi militants and reconfirmed recently when members of HuJI were spotted in the Silchar district of Assam along with a few ULFA members. HuJI is reported to have assured co-operation and logistical support to ULFA and help them to find shelters in Bangladesh. Reports has also indicated that HuJI is giving a three months military training to youths and helping them to infiltrate into Indian locations like West Bengal, Assam and other North-East states. The RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) – BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) combine has built up a wide network in the districts of Udalguri and Darrang in recent years. This combine has influenced a section of the Bodos along with a small section of Assamese, Bengalis and Nepalese to mobilize against the Muslims in many places of the state. In the name of detection of the suspected ‘Bangladeshis’, numerous harassments and atrocities are imposed on those Muslims who had actually settled in Assam long back and became a part of the broad Assamese society. The recent clashes and rampant violence between Bodos and Muslims that has swept across many areas in Udalguri and Darrang districts from October 3, 2008 is the result of this evil design of RSS-BJP. “…the rifts and conflicts engendered by the communal violence among the Bodo and Muslim communities will be sought to be utilized by the divisive, communal and fundamentalist forces to their advantage and thus further endangering the peace and unity among the people.” (Uddhab Barman, Behind the Recent Communal Violence in Assam, People’s Democracy, 19 October 2008) Accordingly, after the October 30 serial blasts, BJP leader L.K. Advani took no time to blame illegal Bangladeshis (read Muslims) as the main reason for breeding terrorism in Assam. Consistent violent campaign against Muslims with the growth of the RSS-BJP combine in Assam has created enough ground for the growth of communal and fundamentalist forces among the Muslim community (Muslims constitute nearly 30 per cent of Assam’s population). Taking advantage of this chaotic situation, HuJI and other fundamentalist Muslim outfits are gradually penetrating deep into a section of the Muslim inhabitants and brain-washing them towards Islamic fanaticism. ULFA leaders, being pushed to the wall by the mounting emphatic operations of Indian security forces have been coerced to enslave them in the hands of the ISI for survival. Today, ISI has sheltered all the top leaders of ULFA in Bangladesh. The outfit has abdicated its core ideology and acting now as their local agent in Assam and the North-East. Conclusion For several decades, Assam is passing through too much of tears and blood. This stunningly beautiful state and its people are struggling hard to come out from the curse of their own history. Secessionism, insurgency and terrorism are like the mythical Phoenix bird – self destructive but able to resurrect from its own ashes. Assamese people did clutch them all – like a drowning person clutches a piece of straw. Dealing the problem from a fascistic perspective, the widely spread jingoistic approach of the RSS-BJP combine will be a catastrophe. The problem cannot be dealt as well with a feeble, compromising and brush under the carpet approach – as implemented by the Congress party. The people of Assam are bearing the brunt of this breed of politics for long. It also cannot be dealt with reactionary parochialism – like the provincial politics of ASSU-AGP. The distressing reality for Assamese people is, that they do not have any other alternative to choose. The Indian State should first and foremost study the people and learn how to create a condition that will itself refuse to extend any popular sympathy or support towards the secessionists, insurgents and terrorists. An unbiased approach towards the political problem of secessionism and a firm determination to strike against terrorism is the correct approach to deal the Assam crisis. http://wordsfromsolitude.blogspot.com/
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Replacing the corporate like polity by revolutionary people in India is a historic need of hour to control three economies of Indian society for the poor and depressed classes of India.
How does both the Marxist and capitalist philosophical crisis get stimulus from the each other (9 of 15) To analyze any society for its nature, it is necessary to see how it has its economy, political structure and the living standers of the people for a period of last five years in a common way, without many expectations from the side of the state and its foreign trading. The role of the state in the economy of society in India and its analysis as a source for all is desirable or undesirable as a subject in the equation of the economy of the society is possible solution to understand the very nature of the society. The government of India and the states beside other railway budget, the economic role of the state has ended in the economic system of the whole Indian society. It is the system of the state in the economy of the Indian society, in which the state also constitute a part as it is continuing since thousands of years, if I say exactly from the time of emergence of the state in India in its any one of its forms in India. Every one has a budget for his family to run smoothly. Bo body would celebrate with the loans and credits for the luxuries in the family but the states are in that way in providing such progress and development in the society especially in developing countries including India. The word ‘development” is common word, but its parameters are different from one to another in calculating the economy of the country. Of them one is the direct economy of its own by the people who sets themselves in the structure of society by offering their services and gets the same from the society by paying to one another either through produces or through the services in their relevancy, without any other intervention. Another one is the state through its influence of the powers in the society by offering its services to the people for which it used to collect like a trader in the Indian society. While discussing about the economy, the principal sources of the society could be identified upon which the entire society is based and depended. Every organic life, if want to exist, it need food and continues its life on its best available options one can use for his own body as well as the other bodies of the members in every society. Other wise the life would never run with starvations for more than a week time for anybody to live life. So it is all about to see how it is mixed with each other and become one before the people through the state in the form of state, and federal budget, in a broad way, by leaving out the foreign trading of the Indian capitalist sections. For the broad based economy of the self sustainability of the people in India in which mostly depended upon the agriculture field, beside their professional customary supporting income during the seasons because, a living human life would never sleep empty stomach for more than one to days even for an argument in favor of the poor and under privileged sections in India, a seasonal migration in search of work is different because it is part of broader economic base of the country wherever he goes for his earning for himself or for other members of the family. The question of non-resident Indian is different as they are in support of the economy of the society and keeps sending their money to their nearest is different. Here the entire economic issue is related only to the people of the rural areas, where they are working on the agriculture sector which is the largest part of the economic sectors of the country in which the majority lives are based and the people are continuing their lives. That is the self sufficient economy of the people in India as it is continuing since the invention of the agriculture and domestication of the animals. It is also very safest economy in the world, because the people can live with rice and wheat besides a spicy power with self produced oils in the customary way, unlike the people of United States depending upon the Chinese foods and fast foods, at the credit cards. This is one of the reasons of debt trap of the ancient Greeks to become the slaves of the rich class in their ancient society. The great depression and its effect did not affect the real rural lives of the people though they are poor and under privileged but always self sufficient and reliant with each other in cooperating in the hard hours of the droughts and other natural calamities. Starvation deaths may be high in some vidhrba; telangana like areas in India but all these deaths does not constitute any relativity to the social economy of the country. It is very clear that the people who are only in the central place and their lives are only basic contributions and requirements in the society as a primary unit in the broader platforms of the entire economy of the country. The human nature, the head of the family and the members of the family whose requirements and their contributions are the fundamental and basic unit around which some other factors such as aid or assistance from the government of India or from state government adds as additions to their lives upon which they never depend in their entire lives because the human nature was and is in India laborious and hard working and could never see a man or woman of above sixty sitting idle in the rural areas. So the basic and primary unit of the society is a family which works and continues their lives in tight adjustments and some times free according to the minds and moods of the people including occasions of the festivals, for which they never like to borrow any thing from others, because they are living still in identifying the values worth and shame in the eyes of the society. Of course the drinking arrack is an isolated activity of income source for him and he sees that the family be run in smooth way. So no such activity could be seen as regular and continuous in any family as a general practice of the individuals. Because small isolated acts does not constitute the main feature of the activities of the families in the rural India. The priority of the issues for the family is all most all are in general in which the common and needed one is the health for which everybody use the money as a basic need of the members of the family. Deaths due to non-availability of the medicines are not a part of the state, because it is not dependable and not even trusted friend of the family of the rural India, but it is not trusted one. Even a money lender give some token cash to the known villagers in the midnight hours on the knock of the needful, though he may charge additional interest, but he is still a trusted friend in the rural families in India and since last sixty years the nationalized banks could not succeed to replacing the money lender’s role in the rural areas. Even in the Soviet Union, the people could never like to depend on the free public distribution system and started looking at the out side of the social system of the socialist pattern because of the delay in delivery, negligent attitude, and arrogant behavior of the machinery of state which could not be habituated the system of socialist model of the administration at that time. This is also one of many reasons in collapse of the socialist system of the state in Soviet Union. Waiving off the loans of the village farmers by the government of India lead by the present Prime Minister, Dr. Man Mohan Singh, is seen smiling on the faces of many rural people in India, though it is a dynamic decision on the part of congress party government in serving the rural people in this way, but it is also a regretful to say that they could not replace the “lending conditions” from the lives of the rural people. The amount was more than seventy thousand lakh crores. The previous so called national governments, found not time to think about lives of the rural India, except, empty slogans with encouraging of the lumpen sections with half knowledge against its own people on the name of the religion in the country for the entire rule in the country. Though the act of the state in waiving of the debt of the rural farmers is something like a saving of the lives from the debt-traps which is the primary and fundamental form of the slavery of the people even though we may live in the capitalist form state of society, but it is proved the ‘state’ even in its changing natures from time to time on issue to issue, while dealing with the people has not lost its welfare nature in this issue. In the centre of all issues in the society the family and its regular activity in its own without relying on the other additional sources for living as a basic element which would never be replaced until and unless the people start feeling hard in attending their own domestic needs in side the house without going out in search of work, Indian economy would never loose its grip in self reliance. The system of capitalism, widens the scope of opportunities for earning all maximum members of the society in different fields and on the other side too it dismantles the structure of the unity of the family, and drag all the members out to the road with the naked and half naked bodies in the midnight as a search of additional sources to the lives of the people. During the period of the great depression, in United States a common, practice was that a peace of bread was costlier than the sex with a babe. But in the Soviet Union the situation was never happened there and the people were well aware about the happenings in the social economy, and at that time when the capitalist system was passing through the hard times of the worst economic conditions globally. However, the economy was recovered globally in later times. since last three years, the obama government is working hard on some parts of economic dead locks in united states, caused many hopes to the global analysts including communist circles on the recession but it is immediately appeared that it is in the way of recovering from its crisis. But it is a pain killer like relief only.The people can keep their economic foundations strong as the first step by working hard in their own fields of production despite ready made imports. While continuing about the issue of rural Indian economy, which is based on the individual labor and a simple available source for the way of getting their lively hood besides, the rural professions, irrespective of the classification of the classes in the rural villages. Percentage of the dependence of the people on the agriculture and its related fields in rural areas are more than seventy percent in some loose account. The land ownership issues but the landless labor, below 2 acres, more than five acres and more than ten acres, does not constitute any idea about to classify the strength and nature of the village unit because it depends on the fertility in its produce with its location for irrigation facilities from one region to another region. One acre land in any village of Krishna district is more valuable than the barren land of ten acres in mahbubnager, and Warangal districts. The daily wager, small farmer, middle class former, rich farmer and the feudal lord, all these groups live together in every village in the country. The lands data is given below for classification of the people in rural India. Including these classification, of the rural people as a unit in the agro based income groups, there are another groups also constituted which works only on the trade and commerce of the other articles, as they constitute a nominal part. The metallic based communities also resides ion the rural areas. Rural metal based artisan section and other service related which has engaged in the service sector either through the state or through the private and self employed sections in the society. Still the village community trade is widely seen every where in India once in a week. The agro based rural economy for the livelihood of the poor is still strong in the rural areas, and could survive few weeks during the strikes, agitations, and in curfew like situations but the urban people would never prepare themselves to meet such unforeseen situations for three days and come out from the houses frequently seen demanding the relaxation of curfew hours if it is exceeds more than forty eight hours. The basic difference between rural and urban areas is completely based on the living habits and thinking styles of the people of both in rural and urban regions. The recent developments in the corporate sector, that the opening of the reliance’s barber shops, in capital cities is evident that the corporate bodies and their greed is showing that how does they want to utilize the opportunity of the weakness and laziness of the of the urban area where the reliance’ fresh vegetable out lets, are offering, the vegetables on more than double of the costs to the people of the urban areas, whose changing trend in the way of thinking about these outlets of the corporate bodies and of course they would pay its high price in their future. These trends are different from the lifestyles of the rural people, and they never surrender easily to pay the excess costs to the traders as a matter of customary thoughts and practices they are still believes in their lives. This kind of tendency in the minds of the people definitely represent on the economic system of the family and it further influence immediately on the village or the hamlet village economy of the country, because a taxi driver changes to and from district head quarter to any surrounding village of hundred and one fifty kilometers range because he never get any single passenger from the village back to the head quarter. If it of the habit of the people, the state transport authorities arranges one extra trip to that villages. It is not I mean that the rural people have not been able to locate in the changing and creative spaces of the corporate markets and in the habits in living such a way of what they represent in a different way in their lives. In their list of priorities after, the essential commodities with their earned money, they spends in entertainment, and cosmetics, it is not a matter to those who are living below poverty line but it’s the next class of people in the economic structural hierarchy in the rural India. That is why the next in the list of ration of any family it is occupies in the next of all prerequisites of the family including the medicine. The field of entertainment which could be in its form what the people like in their areas, mini theaters, tape recorders, soaps, oils, and sometimes a desirable food on festival accessions usually and viewing the cinemas at their nearby theatres, the people prefer to spend their lives. This king of life is seen everywhere in India. Other issues of the village is different from the lives of the people because if it is the electricity if available, It is their part and they will pay to the government company or any private company it is different from the lives of the people. The previous government was opened a direct a department of disinvestment of selling out all the government run companies on the name of sick industries including the profit earning public sector companies to the private corporate capitalist companies on only due to distancing itself from the maintenance risks. It was their government within their level they have done in the country. the lives of the people in most of the parts of the country except in few exceptional cases of the priorities list of the day to day lives is all most all the same with some little difference and the bicycle is still a male transport in the most of the villages in India, kerosene, petrol, and the agricultural sickle etc are the essential parts of the rural people. In recent times ministers at both central and state governments openly admits on the price rise on the essential commodities that they have nothing to do in controlling the prices of the essential commodities to the people. It is correct their speaking is correct in fixing the prices in the economy. A prime minister, or a district collector, or superintendent of police do not able to fix the rates of any commodity in the market, because they are the third part and do not have any role to play with the costs and expenditure of the commodity in bringing out to the market. The original cost and value of Even a milk and salt packet would never be decided by these political people in the affairs of the economy of the country, except, declaring subsidies on some commodities like agricultural equipments, seeds, pesticides and supporting costs in support of the farmers in some states only, they can arrange crop loans, something like out side support and adding supporting price to the purchasing companies like food corporation of India in a small level in a one or two commodities in seasons only. These steps never make any out side agency, though it may be state, represented by the prime minister, or chief minister to get complete control over the entire process of the production level of the commodity to its selling level from the side of the farmers. So it is confirmed that the economy and its affairs in the country is not in the hands of the state, and the state has no role to play in fixing the prices of the essential commodities in the Indian economy. It is also many times proved while in discussions on the issues of the taxi, and auto meter’s minimum rates fixations with their leaders at that time. Because the state, had represented on behalf of the city passengers and they were on their own and finally they used to arrive on consideration of proposals of the state representatives with the owners of the taxies and autos in India. The budget in 2010-2011, presented by the finance minister, government of India in its statements showed that its total receipts in this year are rupees in crores, 1108749 and it has the same in its total expenditure with primary deficit of rupees in crores is, 132744 only. And the payment of the interest from its receipts is rupees in 248664 only. How much does this amount consist in the whole national economy of the country? Shall it stand in any percentage of the people’s economy in country? How far the state has legitimate authority on the economy of the people. by simply contributing a coin from the taxes of the corporate bodies and from the income tax payers of the country. The defense service expenditure is 87344 in crores. The police expenditure is 22154 in crores The Andhra pradesh’s budget had crossed the amount of one lakh crores in this year. The loans, advances, principal amounts of debt from global agencies could be more than double or even in triple on the original revenue collections of both governments in India besides all these balances of the every year. In essence including the railway budget, every one’s work in earnings is directly and indirectly contributing to the state, in return the state is giving security to its people, and the people of the rural areas, are well aware about the role of the state which on the name of welfare, it is roads, electricity, communication, and protection from the fellow human beings through the largest establishments of police, defense, courts, arms, and the laws are giving as a customary to its people, For which one constitution, and more than one crore personnel engaged in these activities from the side of state. Though it may give pensions, provision of employment guarantee scheme besides some other welfare activities in the country it is nothing to count in percentage on the basis of accountability of the state to the people in the courts which would identify the real burden on the shoulders of the people on the name of protection. Moreover, thousands of the political deaths in every year for winning a power game in the country. though the state, which is non productive in its nature and it is service related body for the protection of its own people in a such a way which could really satisfy the functioning style of the state through the thousands of laws and acts as documents for following the guidelines in adjudication of the peace and justice to the civilians in the country. In a protest rally was spontaneously turned as rally after Friday prayer, the police was fired to control the mob which had been suspected to go on vandalism, in which six people was killed and many injured. It is good on the part of police while controlling, the six killed, and the same number of people killed in the bomb blast incident on which in the form of protest, the young guys came out to show their protest. These two incidents constitutes the same kind of mentalities as appeared in the society, because the terrorists are terrorist who wanted to kill the Muslims and the police also acted in the same way of killing equal number of men. But in real investigation of the CBI, it is come to know that work of planting the bombs was the handy work of the Hindu fundamentalist in the city of Hyderabad. The forbs magazine, this year, had issues the list of richest persons in which, six persons from India, have been placed in it. They are, Mukesh Ambani, anil ambani, shashi and Ravi Ruia, Savitri Jindal, Kushal Pal Singh, Kumar Birla, Sunil Mittal and whose assets worth is more than the Indian budget. While in the starting the business, dhiru ambani he invested rupees fifteen thousand only in a partnership with champak lal dhamani in early sixtees, now his two sons are in the list of top hundred business magnets in the world. There are many success stories like these brothers and the essars (SR) in India as individuals who are established their empire in their respective fields without, murder, firing and encounter either real or fake, in their respective fields. But in the political sphere of the state, in which who occupied the highest posts as prime ministers and presidents, chief minister, union ministers, state ministers, supreme court judges, high court judges, cabinet secretaries, principal secretaries, parliament speaker, chief of the army, navy, more than one crore personnel of the state and central governments, railways, more than thousand enforceable acts and laws above all Indian constitution, Indian penal code, criminal procedure code, and hundred of codes in India are just operating and living upon the cost of the tax collections from the individuals, on the name of welfare state, whose cost and worth is more less than the few Indian richest persons in India. Then the question should arise in the minds that these posts and highest designations are even less in the cost of the Indian society of original worth a small district as its cost as per the market values would be more than high of funds of the posts of the government of India in a loose account. The system of operation of the funds under each of the head of the political as well as administrative level through the units in all level from New Delhi to ward member of village gram panchayath by avoiding double account of the single amount from the releasing point to last reaching level could be more than fifteen to twenty thousand. If it is calculated from the level of senior civil service officers level to the last level of executive officer of the gram panchayath in all levels of operating of the funds these amounts are making less value of any chief executive of the global business corporate body. If it is not more than it appears, why all the rich come to the assemblies, parliaments, to control the whole system of the independent economy of the country from the separation of the “state” revenues and receipts in the name of public service. These posts by coming through the elections on the name of democracy, on nomination of registered political parties in the country have to control the three economies of the country, including under ground economy which is banned economy under the legal tag. These people’ whose services, and credibility was identified as desirable one after the independence, because they were actively participated in the struggle and had a zeal to serve the nation and make the nation self sufficient for which they had their vision in their minds without any personal interest, they resumed the highest posts in the country. But since last twenty five, thirty years why the rich people are entering into these posts is a question and why does these people want to uses the mighty force of the security forces against the people who were the legitimately living on the soils since thousands of years. In the issue of the state, with its members, it could be resolved within itself through its system of administration inside of the executive level mostly up to ninety nine percent and remained one percent cases could be resolved in its tribunals and judiciary of the country. If the problem arises in the society in the issue of wages and on some service matters of the private sector industries, the disputes could be resolved through the negotiations of the leaders of the trade unions and the remained problems if any, could be sorted out through the labor courts. If the problem arises only on the system of democratic form of the government, in which all the rich are being elected on the party tickets, and doing all the beneficial of himself and his or her people within the five years, and leaving the seats on the defeat in the elections next time. In essence the “state” which controls security forces and using these forces against its own people on questioning the wrongs policies and asking to do the right work in the interest of the poor since last four to five parliament election. At the same time, for keeping alive the constitutional The election’s policy of the “state” on the name of democracy is completely failed since last five parliamentary elections. Because the constitutional process should be moved in its own circle irrespective of the participation of the people in the election process for electing the government to fill the vacant seats with somebody whoever is not a question as a need for those who are in the remaining parts of the constitutional organs in the democratic set of the country. Everywhere it is fixed to replace the paralyzed part with functional one in its entire system of the written constitution. But it is so sad to see that no super check apparatus is available in the mechanism on the over all observation of checks and balances of constitution out side of the constitution with constitutional validity of the paralyzed organs of the executive portions in the entire constitution. It is proved in the case of Assam assembly elections in February, 1982, where in under the influence of the movement by all Assam students union, and Assam ganaparishad, to bye cot the assembly election. Then the state machinery had forced the people to vote irrespective of the parties, particularly the security forces under their gun point in each assembly segment they were succeeded in securing the voted in just hundreds only an all assembly segments. On the counting system of the votes according to the political parties which were in fray secured below hundred only and who’s who were secured in majority of voted, they were declared elected as members of legislative assembly of Assam. At that some could hardly fifty or sixty votes only. Soon after that the chief minister hiteshwar saikia was declared elected as chief minister of Assam which was totally under command and control of the them prime minister, smt indira Gandhi, who could not reveal the great quote of her father pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, while thinking for finding s solution to the constitutional dead lock in Assam, which is,” Crises and deadlocks when they occur have at least this advantage, that they force us to think”. During these elections of Assam, the 3000 poor Indian Muslim (not Bangladeshi) people in the Nelly under nagaon district were brutally massacred in day light. Till this day no body is thought about the reason of massacre. Let the thousands and even lakhs may die, but do not keep the seat vacant to keep constitution alive from its brake down is the principle of the democracy which is common in all states in the world, the heart of the Indian constitution is the set of political parties, how does the nature they contain while discharging the duties from the highest posts in power in not a question but it is an obligation whether he or she is in the seat or not without leaving the vacant because all the organs are following in the similar way of British practice, the king is dead long live the king. A quotation of the great leader v.i. Lenin is in mind to remind about the people and politics here which says “Politics begin where the masses are, not where there are thousands, but where there are millions that is where serious politics begin”. Though the name “democracy” is only a presumption in the minds of the people by following the process of elections through those are present in the posts and designations which holds elections from time to time by the different people. The covers many contain the posts of Prime minister, president, chief justice if India, chief election commissioner, army chief, etc, etc. when the personal failure through the posts does not confirm the failure of the posts itself from its period of entire existence, if it goes with complete failure in the similar way for more than thirty, thirty five years without proper check, it constitutes that the failure of the entire system. So that entire system is likely to fail because the political system and its structure is completely based and depended upon the social system of economy of the state. If it is checked the manifestoes of all registered parties since their registration, with the comparative study with their implementation of the policies promised to the people through the party manifestoes every rime before the parliament and assembly elections, no election commissioner or any court have issued memo to the presidents and general secretaries of the political parties at least after completion of term of five years in the history of the Indian constitution since last sixty years. The election commission of India has to register any political party in India as a national party or as a regional party is depended up on it application of the party with a draft copy of the election manifesto, upon which the election commission has to register the party as a party in India irrespective of its aims and objects of the manifesto of the party concerned. Election commission does not have any obligation on the draft of the political party as a party either national party or regional party irrespective of its aims and objects of the party concerned. Those parties does not file its application as a political party is no way concerned with the election commission, because it has not such obligation in its internal matter of the aims and objects of the political party in its draft manifesto. The issue of contest of the elections and not to contest in the election is purely internal matter of the political party which clearly submits in its draft manifesto as to whether contest in the election or not to contest in the election along with the reasons behind these questions as well as the aims and objects of the party in its manifesto of the draft, explaining these issues as an internal matter of the political party for which it asks the people to stand and support for it Because the draft of the manifesto of the political party is the internal matter of the political party for which the election commission does not have the power to insist for participation in the election. Till now the election commission is following the procedure in cognizing the party as a party according to the draft of the political party as it is not way concerned with the election commission of India. The election commission of India in its site clarifies as “Only an association or body of individual citizens of India calling itself a political party and intending to avail itself of the provisions of Part-IV-A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, (relating to registration of political parties) is required to get itself registered with the Election Commission of India” .the election commission of India is a body authorized to register a political party as an association or as apolitical party, on the considering the copy of memorandum or rules of the political party as it is clarified in the section 5 of sub-section (1) of the part 4 (a), of the representation of the people act 1951which says as follows. “(5) The application under sub-section (1) shall be accompanied by a copy of the memorandum or rules and regulations of the association or body, by whatever name called, and such memorandum or rules and regulations shall contain a specific provision that the association or body shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established, and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India”. In the content it is further clarified that the election commission is the final authority in considering the application for registration of the party under this section of the Representation of the People Act 1951. The criterion of registering any political party as a political party is based on the polling of the votes besides previous back ground of the activities of the political party in the participation in the elections only. The election commission of India has limited powers only in the case of verification of the political parties manifesto as to whether they are following their own memorandum after coming to the power in the centre or in the state is not a matter of the election commission of India. Even less if I speak about is implementation of the rules and regulations of any political party in India, would be good, because, it is constitution that provides the prime minister ship and chief minister ship in India who could demolish the religious structures and who could kill more than five thousand people, with its force. In the very first stage the election commission of India has failed completely in many respects, in its immediate duties of cancellation of the recognition of such political parties which directly declares their faith in killing the innocents on the name of religion for so many times as a their memorandum itself speaks about their philosophy of killing the others religious people in the name of religious “majority” faith, which they publicly frequently claim as their faith “does not come into the limits of the courts” in India. On the other hand, the congress party also did not have a clean in anti-Sikh riots in Delhi. The list of registered national parties is the Indian national congress, bharatiya janata party, bahujan samaj party, samajvadi party, Samata party, communist party of India, communist party of India (Marxist), as national parties, besides other regional parties in India. The performance of these parties, before coming to power and during and before conducting the next lok sabha is not checked through any constitutional machinery and the entire constitutional machinery has fixed the people as they are only responsible for voting to power to rule the nation by awarding another chance in next elections to dethrone these parties from the government. The constitution of India in other words is a lifeless skeletal set up of the bones only and would come into a complete shape with the muscles only for which the process of it starts only from the date of issue of the election commission after the consultation of the political leaders of the registered parties. Once these parties come into the power the election commission become a hand kerchief of the people in the names of the government which runs by the political ideologies and their philosophies of the two individuals only since the first elections in India under the British government to the present day. The two ideologies have two different claims on their political manifestoes since last seventy-Eighty years; the two individuals are none other than Gandhi mahatma and Nathuram Godse. These two ideologies are still in the field, before them many came and many went but, they have stood against each, and the remained political parties, of which, the nominal role the both communists are playing besides the regional equations of the rise and decline of the south Indian and shiv sena in maharashtra and shriromani akali dal Punjab. It is a good comment on the word mahatma to Gandhi, made by renowned poet, thabu Mbeki, the former president of South Africa ” he came to us as Gandhi, but we made him mahatma,” while referring to the days of residing in south Africa. And the other one is godse, whose confession is in the court on “why I killed Gandhi” and the case is well known to the world. In exact sense, the claim of these two parties is on the thoughts of Gandhi mahatma and his assassin godse for the power in the centre and states. The history of shiv sena for its notorious activities in maharahashtra is well known. At the same time, the international situation after the 9/11 attacks, United States’ reaction in Afghanistan and hangiging of saddam Hussein, have added fuel to Islamic terrorists to include Indian soils in their listed targets for bombings in cities. These developments have given additional opportunity to the right wings’ politically inspired Hindu cultural organizations to plant bombs in Muslims masjids and shrines, of malegaon, ajmer, and Hyderabad for gaining ground and control of the whole nation. But their expectations could not yield their desired level of results in damaging the image of India in the international decision making centers. Sooner or later, the law and its investigative agencies found that the Hindu terrorists are behind the bomb blasting in India since last fifteen years and all these cases should be reinvestigated again from this angle in the interest of the nation. These destructions and thousands of the killings in the blame game of the power politics in India is only to control three economies of the Indian society, as they are already listed as the power seeking political leaders through their parties, where as the other similar violence oriented left wing extremism has become unbearable ideological burden on the part for magic numbers in the parliament and assembly seats. The very aspect of the bye-cot of the elections though a tactic whatever they propagate from their ideological frame work, the past experiences in Andhra Pradesh is seen as evidence when the new political party was initiated by the NTR, in 1982, he became chief minister and started the implementation of the encounter killings of the left wing leaders and every day statements were seen in news papers, that these anti-social elements would be wiped out, within two years, three years, after. Before coming to power he declared that “the naxalites are the real patriots of the nation” which was already slogan of that party, after five years, his party was defeated by congress party and the marri. Chenna reddy had become chief minister of Andhra Pradesh in 1989 assembly elections. In the assembly elections the left wing cadre very seriously worked against the NTR’s Telugu desam party, NTR (Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao) had been defeated by the congress party. The new chief minister has given freeness to hold the public meetings and rallies openly. That much biggest public meeting, I saw for second time in my life, was organized in Warangal district. I saw the first meeting, which was mobilized by both communist parties in Vijayawada in 1981 where the gathering of the people, I never forget the history of the both Indian communist parties in India in organizing a huge gathering. After coming to power dr. marry chenna reddy, had given such chance to utilize the legal space for the publicity of the (revolutionary) voice in the people for less than year. But the security forces in the state specially active forces began sensing that they would never get the non-vegetarian food for their greed in proving the heroes in the eyes of the society without carrying a revolver in the hand moving in the public showing like the heroes in killing the anti-social elements in their view as they were come from the back ground of the anti-revolutionary forces on the name of akhil baratiya vidhyarthi parishad banners in their colleges as well as from the feudal families against whom they (revolutionaries) were struggling for the hike of the wages and freeness from the bondage. The (revolutionary) struggle was primarily aimed to occupy the land of the land lords on the basis of land to the tiller. All the feudal and upper caste children were started working against them by informing about their movements and some were secured the new uniform of the police in retaliatory way, and the killings were started under the blessings of the government of the congress in the state. The period of the congress government was ended and elections were declared for the assembly, the cadre and the people were again worked hard against the congress government due to the encounter killings be giving full liberty to the security forces for the benefit of the congress party as well as the individual police officers. Resultantly the congress government was defeated by these people in the entire state. The next chief minister of Andhra Pradesh was sworn in as chief minister again. After one or two years, the revolt in his own party raked up by his own nephew against him, and in the game of success the new chief minister from his own party, nara Chandra babu naidu was come to power. He continued the same policy of encounter killings of the revolutionary party in the state. Consequently, hundreds and thousands were killed and many police officers were also killed in retaliatory actions of the revolutionary party in the state. it was continued for nine years under the chief minister ship of nara Chandra babu naidu, against whom the all the members of the revolutionary party workers worked, but that was not worked out congress party did not come to the power for which these revolutionary party worked, by calling all the time to boycott the elections in every assembly elections which was continued for more than 25 years. At last the thousands were killed and the revolutionary party was wiped out from the Andhra Pradesh since thirty years. The policy of the boycotting election each time was used two parties directly in every five years because, when the congress party was in power, these people have worked against the government, like an opposition party in the people wherever they have strong hold which was once in more than fifteen districts as of the state. Consequently the Telugu desam party comes to power. Keeping in view of the role of these people in his mind, sri. Nara Chandra babu naidu, who was come to power by mobilizing a revolt against his uncle NTR to become chief minister, who was planned out a strategy of killing these people for his own benefit by using the entire police force and central forces against these people. In his first, five years of term he was succeeded in eliminating the influence of these revolutionary people in the voting system against the government which is dominated by the political party in the state. In such type of repressive way he used to keep by spending hundreds of crores of the rupees through the state police by directly sanctioning the unaccounted operating funds to the district and state police officials in the task. Routine encounters news made the people to read the news daily in those days, because these revolutionary people policy of boycotting the elections resulted back firing to them. Because the rural people want a political support for which they want to connect themselves with any political party as a precautionary measure to get help from the political leader in any critical time of the need. The thinking style of the rural people always differs from the urban people, and they are more realistic than the urbanized minds on each and every issue. They give priority first to their work which get something beneficial directly or indirectly for their daily life. They never think the politics is the whole time ands whole activity as profession. Because either reactionary, or revolutionary, these all are the part of politics and politics is the play of the rich and who only can afford the cost of the politics. The politics is a play of power what they really understand about it. Though the revolutionary politics may differ from the ruling politics, but these could never get bread for a day to the family what really thinks about the politics. Even on the polling day too they return from their daily labor work at last hour only, and could think to avoid their daily labor. If I ask them to pay the cost of the day of the polling date, they replies intelligently, that u give to day, on who will give us tomorrow, if I reply I give for tomorrow, then they reply again who will give after one week or one month, because they want the assurance from the sources for future needs, due to this reason the parents and family members of the whole time workers of the revolutionary party, would never support the revolutionary son, brother, or sister, though he may serve the people or not is not a question but a question is such the politics never helpful to the poor whether it is revolutionary or ruling, they never like to listen to the explanation. In a particular cases, where the entire village to gather becomes under the command of the revolutionary party due to the reason of guarantee and trust of each other because the village elders, youth, women, traders, rural artisans, rural professions of all castes in unity as a moral force for some rear activities of the meetings and on important decisions of the occupation of the lads of the land lords, and at the time of voting and elections. the people on the whole understands the revolutionaries really and like very much at the same time uses the revolutionaries especially in the local and domestic disputes at that time. they really helpful in the needy hour of arranging the food to them in the most secret way, really only can speak a lot about the revolutionary experiences in their lives by those who are still alive and living in the forests by handing over the poor people to the beasts and wild animals in the hard hours of the present day of the crisis and dead locks on the issues of the building of mass movements even in the way of peaceful protests and demonstrations in Andhra Pradesh which is now the turned suicides’ telangana. The telangana has seen three phases of the telangana since last seventy years. Of them one was the people was waged armed struggle against the princely state of the nizam dynasty, feudal lords, on the demand of land to the tiller, under the leadership of the undivided communist parties till the annexation of the state by the then union home minister vallabh Patel, which was known as “operation polo.” More than five thousand people were died during the telangana armed struggle which is very historical in the history of the undivided communist party of India. Next, on the demand of the separate telangana state at the end of the sixties, three hundred and sixty nine students were killing in police firing. Some crores of assets were burnt down by the telangfana students. Those leaders were in leading in this agitatation, forgot the issue after coming to power in Andhra Pradesh. Since last November to the preset days’ suicide death of ishant reddy, there are more than four hundred suicide deaths are taken place as the direct result of the contradictory role of the political leaders on the talangana issue that could never be studied by these young students because they have seen the hundreds of the deaths of political revolutionaries in the hands of the police. The violence of the revolutionaries and encounter killings their could not prepared themselves to meet the future challenges as the power politics only thought them to away from the violence only and did not educate them politically with the courage and self respect for bravely living life .The suicidal aspect in the minds of the students is the direct sign of the failure of the power politics. There is one question in the minds of leaders of the two political parties, about how to get political mileage from the telangana issue. The first culprit is sri. Nara Chandra babu Naidu, who turned out against his own promise made during the floor leader’s meeting under the chair of sri.K roshaiah, in passing resolution in the state assembly in favor of telangana state. On placing his party below the independent candidates in the polling results by the voters, he has no courage to show his blotted face to telangana people. So that he did not visit to any district of telangana in these bye elections. It is so regretful, to say that the national president of the congress party, smt. Sonia Gandhi, who till now did not talk to the people on the suicides of the telangana people, the people can live without it too but how would she live without seeking support of telangana votes in making her son next prime minister would be understood in appropriate time of next elections. In bye elections her party could not get deposits in telenagana. Now it is the issue of the nation, it will be decided after the submission of the report of Sri Krishna commission. ishant reddy, native of medak district, engineering student, who has immolated himself, and he wrote a suicide note showing some reasons of the extreme decision”Ishant, who hailed from Medak district, also wanted that Congress and TDP leaders like D. Srinivas, Jana Reddy, Damodar Reddy, Sridhar Babu, K. Venkat Reddy, Kadiam Srihari, E. Dayakar Rao and N. Janardhan Reddy be declared “traitors” of Telangana and hanged publicly”. Further he asked to “hang” them publicly. He left out by leaving many questions to the people and the leaders of all political parties of two ideologies again about the violent way and non violent in getting solved the minimum and democratic problems in the state. The suicide tendency in the minds of the young students is the direct result of the “helpless” ness of the young student’s just demand of the telangana state. But the residence of ten Jan path would never become Indian Buckingham palace, even though the Gandhi linage continues for next five hundred years. And at least she did not find any necessity in sending condolence message to the relatives of the decease in telangana state. When The India had seen many great legendaries, who are now lying in the graves in Delhi streets, how much value makes her condolence message to the relatives of departed souls in telangana.in essence would be understood. The politics is an activity of the non productive elements of the society and its play in the name of political parties for the power in centre and in the state on the issue of separation of the territorial state which is in real sense an empty bowl to collect the forced money from the people with the help of the police force of the state. In that politics it consist a small part in the total political games. It is seen in further games it is nothing but the blaming game against each other for further money making into thousands of crores. They are on the name of money making machines only besides playing with the needs and aspirations of the poor people. it is also completely dependable games on the minds of the leaderships of the political parties in the country. it is worrying point to think about the future of the youth how are sees much confident of getting jobs, resources, and every thing after getting the telangana state. It is then too that needs to develop and accommodate limited members only like any other state as a territorial state. On the realization of this fact how many would commit suicides in future of a matter of worry for all telanganites. So the talangana issue, as seen in the two ideologies of the difference, in its first two cases, the armed struggle for the land was raised and ended after the operation of polo in Hyderabad. The next phase of the telangana agitation of the students at end of sixties was also based on the violence. Now the third phase which is passing is completely against its true nature of the past two agitations besides the revolutionary movements from the period of 1969 to 2005 in telangana. In the present movement of telangana which is purely non-violent and peaceful in nature. In many reasons behind its formulation of the nature with non-violence and peace is first initiated by the k. Chandra shaker rao, who was the seasoned leader from the ruling Telugu desam party and naturally he wanted to emerge a leader in the state for the sole aim and purpose of the separate telangana state. What should do when the justified demand is not getting successful from the rulers? What the ways are available in the hands of the people to solve the minimum problems either from the government side or from the masters by the workers and the people in the present form of the arrogant capitalist democratic set up of the state and the government. The breaking point in the sole agitations was taken place only when KCR was arrested and admitted into khammam hospital, he hurriedly declared that he was withdrawing his protest fast unto death in last November month. The people in talangana mostly the students could not digest the decision of the KCR and the students of Osmania university have declared their name of their organization as JAC, for leading the agitation of the telangana irrespective of political affiliations. Since then the serious activities are going on in the state. The issue itself could be resolved without appointing Sri Krishna commission on the separate state, if the TDP chief, stood on his promise at time. The human mind, which changes from time to time as its nature, because it is not machine to stick to its promise, he had taken out a tour to divert the attention of the telangana people to the babli, project site in maharashtra state. In essence, the problems, and its solutions could never be applied any more in the purpose of serving the people as a sole but it always contains the individual interest for the political benefits to reach to the set of the power whether it is about the telangana or about solving the national issues of the people in deferent parts of the country. At least hundreds of the problems are pending since several decades only due to the negligence and arrogance of the leaders who occupies highest positions in all national decision making centers and finding no time to resolve it peacefully. Moreover more dependence on the security force is a mark of intellectual bankruptcy of the leaders who does not have sacrificial nature to serve the people from the side of the state. The state has a limited source and finance, and always pushing it into economic crisis is not desirable for the people, even though it may control three economies in Indian society like any another state in the world.. All these spaces in the polity should be first filled by those who have really humanist orientation while dealing with the people with the true spirit of the article 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which says particularly to those who are in power and in power centers, as “•Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it is independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty”. At the same time, one good definition on the state is given by George Washington, is very interesting to note the real nature of the state as he said that “Government is not reason; it is not eloquent; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master.
Ayub Mohammed (to be continued in 10 of 19)
have spent a lot at the cost of my dad while my olden days, and got some degrees in education without knowing its value and validity at that time and continued the same habit at my own cost since then that time to present now.And i saw and realized that my life is spent out in the search to know the society,state,and about the people from the ancient civilizations to the present clock-like capitalism as well as about myself too. At last i satisfied myself that i know what i wanted to know that what i am now, is a subject to u all to know.Do u want to judge the whole thing in seconds?But i estimate u in single part of the second before your judgement about me. it is different in practice. Ayub Mohammed
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